Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 236

End of this chapter

Chapter 749

Shigeru Yoshida stayed at the Adlon Hotel in Wuhan, which faces the Yangtze River and is adjacent to the German Consulate. This German hotel, which opened in October, is said to be almost identical to the original store in front of the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin.

According to German newspapers in China, this grand hotel will not only allow German expatriates to enjoy a lifestyle identical to that in Berlin, but will also serve as a showcase for the German way of life to the Chinese.

When Shigeru Yoshida checked into the hotel, he found that life there was indeed exactly as described in the German newspapers. Members of the German Chamber of Commerce in China gathered at the hotel, and even German businessmen who had residences in the area would go to the rooftop club in the evenings for entertainment. The club was only open to Germans.

It is evident that the Adlon Hotel has indeed become a center for the lives and social interactions of the German community in Wuhan. Of course, unlike the foreign clubs in Shanghai and Beijing, the hotel's club, while only open to Germans, does not refuse to serve Chinese people. From this perspective, Germans in Wuhan are clearly much more cautious than foreigners in other places.

However, this also made Shigeru Yoshida realize that although Wuhan and Germany had a close relationship, they were not subordinate to each other. Otherwise, the Germans wouldn't have needed to show an equal attitude towards the Chinese. The Germans were actually more arrogant than the British. The British at least acknowledged that the Japanese, who had defeated the Russians, were as civilized as Europeans, but Germany itself still felt that people of Asian descent lacked technological innovation and had only absorbed European technology and civilization militarily.

Because of the Germans' condescending arrogance towards people of color, they did not mind spreading scientific knowledge to people of Asian descent, because they believed that people of Asian descent were not intellectually capable of grasping science. Therefore, schools established by other countries in China mainly focused on missionary and legal knowledge, but the schools established by the Germans in Shandong were mainly in the fields of science and engineering.

However, it seems that the Germans are not so stubborn now; at least the Germans in Wuhan seem much more peaceful. Shigeru Yoshida noticed that many German businessmen in the hotel were even able to greet people in Chinese, clearly feeling that Chinese was necessary for their communication in China. This is actually rare elsewhere; apart from diplomats and lower-ranking German employees, most high-status foreigners disdain learning Chinese or Japanese.

This actually indicates that Germans have begun to develop an interest in Chinese culture. Interest in another country's culture signifies a growing trend of people-to-people exchanges between the two nations. If these exchanges are so frequent, it means Germany will find it difficult to sever ties with China. Therefore, Shigeru Yoshida believes that Germany might compromise on the military exercises, in which case the navy's objectives will likely be achieved.

The only thing that bothered him was that he couldn't grasp Lin Xinyi's position. Since Wuhan had taken back the concessions from various countries, Japan's influence in Wuhan had declined rapidly, far less than that of the Germans and the British, and even less than that of the Americans in the local area.

Yoshida Shigeru understood why. Japan had been eager to advance into the middle and upper reaches of the Yangtze River, and with the support of the British, it aggressively expanded into the region. The British, however, had ulterior motives. In principle, the Yangtze River basin was within Britain's sphere of influence, but Britain's power in China was mainly concentrated in the coastal areas. It lacked the strength to penetrate deep into the Chinese heartland, so it allowed Japan to expand into the middle and upper reaches of the Yangtze River, hoping to follow suit.

The Japanese were aware of the British intentions, but faced with the opportunity to expand their influence into the heart of China, they were unwilling to give up and chose to become the British's vanguard. However, no one expected that a Han Chinese regime would emerge in Wuhan, and that this regime would be so capable that it not only drove out the military forces of various countries from the middle and upper reaches of the Yangtze River, but also brought to an end the Japanese colonial activities along the Yangtze River.

What the Japanese regretted most was that they initially thought the great powers would treat the Wuhan regime the same way they treated the Boxers, so they resolutely refused to compromise with Wuhan. This led to the Japanese and Russians being the first to be expelled from Wuhan. The French voluntarily withdrew, but Britain and the United States negotiated with Wuhan to retain some legitimate commercial interests. As for Germany, it goes without saying that Germany was the only great power that increased its investment in Wuhan after the other countries were expelled.

Just look at the Adlon Hotel in front of you and you'll know that the Germans planned to increase their investment in Wuhan a long time ago. Otherwise, they wouldn't have built such a large hotel here. It has surpassed the grand hotels in Beijing, Tianjin and Shanghai, becoming the largest and most advanced European-style hotel in China. Each room here has its own hot water supply and bathroom facilities, as well as an elevator. The most advanced European technology has appeared in the hotel's facilities and services.

The expansion of German influence in Wuhan and the decline of Japanese influence there were two sides of the same coin. Therefore, Shigeru Yoshida could only find Lin Xinyi's residence through official channels, but he couldn't find Lin Xinyi's location through personal connections, because Lin Xinyi didn't stay at the Japanese consulate or hotels run by Japanese people. His residence in Wuhan was arranged by the Chinese, and the Chinese refused to reveal his address to him.

If it weren't for Lin Xinyi, Yoshida Shigeru would have thought Lin Xinyi was about to become a Chinese spy. However, he dared not accuse the future core of the navy and a powerful figure in the new Satsuma clique of such a crime. Although the new Satsuma clique had only been integrated for a short time, there was considerable dissatisfaction within the clique with the leadership of the traditional factions, who believed that these old factions could not bring any cohesion to the new Satsuma clique.

The art foundation and Chiba Prefecture Heavy Industry Investment Association, which are currently recognized by the New Satsuma Group and bring benefits to everyone, were all created under the promotion of Shin-Yi Hayashi. Others, however, only thought about gaining the support of the New Satsuma Group for their own benefit, and had no plans to bring any additional benefits to the New Satsuma Group as an organization.

His father-in-law, Nobuaki Makino, although well-regarded among the old guard, was still too petty when it came to the newly integrated Satsuma clique. Makino could not bring new benefits to the new Satsuma clique in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; his value lay in protecting the diplomatic route of Japan-China economic and trade cooperation so as to ensure that everyone's investments in Chiba Prefecture would not go down the drain.

Therefore, Lin Xinyi was backed by the entire New Satsuma clique. To claim that such a person was a Chinese spy required more than just courage, because no one would believe that Lin Xinyi had such a motive to betray Japan.

Before receiving a response from Lin Xinyi, Yoshida Shigeru had no choice but to take over the Adlon Hotel himself, because he heard that the discussions between the Chinese and Germans had moved from the German consulate to this hotel, and that the meeting place should be the club floor on the rooftop, which is only open to Germans.

After patiently waiting, he finally saw Lin Xinyi and several Germans and Chinese people walk through the door in the hotel lobby at noon that day. He immediately got up and rushed over, but was immediately subdued by the security guards accompanying them. Fortunately, Lin Xinyi also heard Yoshida Shigeru's shouts. He signaled the security guards to release Yoshida Shigeru and then took him aside for questioning.

While rubbing his shoulder, Shigeru Yoshida said irritably, "I've been in Wuhan for almost a week, and you haven't given me any response. I had no choice but to wait for you here. Prime Minister Yamamoto and Foreign Minister Makino are both looking for you. Please send them a telegram immediately."

Lin Xinyi didn't want to see Yoshida Shigeru because he didn't want the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to interfere. It wasn't that he was worried the Ministry would steal his credit, but rather that its bureaucrats would sabotage his plans. Therefore, he patted Yoshida Shigeru on the shoulder and said, "I was really planning to have someone invite you to dinner. I can inform you of some things then. There's no need to rush sending a telegram back home; you're here representing Foreign Minister Makino, aren't you?"

Yoshida Shigeru looked at Lin Xinyi with a frustrated expression. He didn't believe the other party's words at all. If he wasn't here, would the other party remember to have dinner with him? He replied tactfully but firmly: "Foreign Minister Makino only asked me to contact you as soon as possible. He did not mean to appoint me to represent him. Lieutenant Colonel Lin, you should come with me to send the telegram. Prime Minister Yamamoto also wants to know what you are doing."

However, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe could not suppress Hayashi Shin'yō. He was determined to make a decision before informing the country, so he lowered his voice and said to Yoshida, "Since you ask me this, I have no choice but to tell you the truth. Actually, I came here on the secret orders of Minister Kawahara to reach a secret agreement with the Wuhan Navy and the German Navy. Before this agreement is reached, I cannot contact the country to avoid anyone being held responsible. Now that you know this secret, I believe you can understand my caution."

While Yoshida Shigeru was still pondering the meaning of Lin Xinyi's words, he saw Lin Xinyi take a step back, summon two guards, and then say to Yoshida, "Until the negotiations are concluded, I can only ask you to rest in the hotel for a while. I will personally explain to Foreign Minister Makino and Prime Minister Yamamoto later. I have other matters to discuss. See you later tonight."

Yoshida Shigeru was quickly escorted by two guards to a side staircase. Only then did Yoshida Shigeru realize what Lin Xinyi meant by "keeping the secret." He angrily yelled at Lin Xinyi, "Lin..."

But his mouth was quickly covered, and Lin Xinyi put his middle finger to his lips to keep him quiet. Then he turned around and walked back into the crowd. Yoshida Shigeru could only watch helplessly as Lin Xinyi, the Germans, and the Chinese walked into the elevator next to him. He gave up his futile struggle and indicated that he could leave.

Regardless of how much anger Yoshida Shigeru harbored, Lin Xinyi had already put this unexpected incident behind him. In the restaurant on the second floor, he sat in a private room with the Wuhan representative and the special envoy of the German East Asia Fleet, and began the third lunch meeting.

Captain von Seymour, the special envoy of the German East Asia Fleet, was in fact also the deputy to the German governor of Qingdao, Truppel, and he represented the will of the German Minister of the Navy, Tirpitz.

The progress of this trilateral meeting has actually exceeded the negotiations between the German government and Wuhan. The main content of the trilateral exchanges is not the status of Qingdao, but how the German Pacific Islands can join the Asian Alliance, under what name the German East Asia Fleet can join the Joint Fleet, and what guarantees Japan and China need to provide for the German Pacific Islands.

In other words, the German Navy had accepted the loss of Qingdao, but was trying to obtain compensation from Japan in exchange for it. Tirpitz wanted compensation in the form of non-legal separation of the German Pacific islands from Germany, so that the German East Asia Fleet would not need to be incorporated into another country's fleet and could remain within the German Navy's structure.

Colonel Seymour stated that the reason the Navy Minister had this idea was because some officers and soldiers in the German East Asia Fleet did not want to be naturalized as foreigners, as they were worried that their promotions and retirements in the Navy would be affected.

However, Lin Xinyi believes this is an internal problem for the German Navy, and Japan and China do not need to consider the German Navy's predicament. He stated, "Japan and China will never get involved in a European war; this is the foundation for the establishment of the Asian alliance. If the German Pacific islands remain under German legal control, then when Britain and France declare war on the German Pacific islands in the name of war, Japan and China will be unable to object. If Germany can accept this outcome, then we will not care about your decision."

Although Colonel Seymour was somewhat rigid in his military strategy, he was not foolish. He understood Tirpitz's purpose: to secure an alliance that would not only protect German assets in Asia but also drag Japan and China into war. The strength of the Japanese navy in the Far East and China's vast manpower on the mainland would trap Britain, France, and Russia in a predicament in the East.

However, it is clear that Japan and China do not want to follow the Navy Minister's lead. The colonel also knows that the chances of success are not high. After all, if Germany had the ability to force Japan and China to stand on its side, there would have been no military exercise this time.

Of course, to save face for the Minister of the Navy, the colonel made several attempts to persuade Japan and China to make concessions. However, China's naval power was almost nonexistent, and the idea of ​​forming a joint Asian fleet mainly came from Japan. Therefore, China was not concerned about Germany's desire to retain its de facto rule over its Pacific colonies. In any case, China stated that if a naval conflict broke out between Britain and Germany, they would be powerless to help Germany resist a British naval attack; only the Japanese navy could stop the British.

The Japanese Navy's position was also very clear: it had no problem protecting German property on German-controlled Pacific islands, but it would not allow itself to engage in direct confrontation with Britain and France for Germany's sake.

Colonel Semen could only ask the Japanese, "If that's the case, then what's the point of establishing the Asian Joint Fleet? Is it merely to protect the German property on the island? We only need to leave behind a small armed force, and the East Asian Fleet can simply withdraw back to the country."

Faced with the German colonel's tactful complaint, Lin Xinyi replied without hesitation: "Last year, your Minister of the Navy submitted a fourth naval bill to Parliament, advocating the construction of four state-of-the-art battleships every year from 2008 to 2011. Considering your country's control over the waters in Europe and the size of your high seas fleet, your country has far too many warships on its own soil, not too few."

If your navy concentrates its main warships on the mainland, then the British navy only needs to guard the straits. I think the British would be happy to move the East Asia Fleet back to the North Sea, because the more concentrated the German warships are, the more concentrated the Royal Navy's strength can be, ultimately forming a greater advantage.

I don't object to your navy concentrating all its forces on its homeland, but I think it's a very foolish move. If you really do that, then I don't think the German navy will achieve anything in the war, and the outcome of the European war will inevitably be decided by land battles. Because a beast kept in a cage is not a ferocious beast, but a harmless animal being watched.

Colonel Seymour knew the Japanese were right. Although the Japanese naval officer was very young, he immediately saw the German Navy's unfavorable position in the Anglo-German confrontation. While concentrating its forces on its homeland would maximize the protection of these valuable assets, it also relieved the Royal Navy of some pressure. As the world's maritime superpower, no matter how much the Germans developed, it was impossible for them to build a fleet that surpassed the Royal Navy's in number in a short period, let alone in terms of combat strength.

He then asked Lin Xinyi, "So what can we do if we join the Combined Fleet? Are we just going to sunbathe in the Pacific and wait for the European war to decide the outcome? That's not the kind of honor we want."

Lin Xinyi put down his knife and fork, looked at the Germans, and said, "As long as German warships are still operating in the Pacific, the British Royal Fleet will have to be distracted. They will have to put some of their forces in the Indian Ocean to facilitate your surprise attack on India, instead of concentrating all their forces in the North Sea and the Mediterranean. This is to relieve pressure on your home fleet. This is also the meaning of having a fleet."

As long as you refrain from attacking Allied ships and territories, the Asian Union can guarantee your safety from the Royal Navy. I believe the British will not allow Asia to become their enemy during the war.

After a moment's hesitation, the colonel turned to Lingxing and asked, "Does your side mean that if Britain attacks the German Pacific islands or the German East Asian fleet, your side will declare war on Britain? Can China make the same guarantee?"

End of this chapter

Chapter 750

Both Lin Xinyi and the Wuhan representative were well aware of Colonel Semen's ideas: the Germans wanted to turn this Asian alliance into a tool for Germany to contain Britain and France in the Far East.

However, Lin Xinyi, Tian Junyi, and other leaders of the Workers' Party had already had a very thorough discussion on this issue. They believed that the struggle between Germany and Britain and France had not escaped the scope of imperialist war, and that Japan and China, as countries suppressed and invaded by imperialism, could only become cannon fodder if they joined this struggle.

Therefore, despite repeated attempts by the Germans to win him over, Wuhan failed to provide a satisfactory response, and Colonel Semen's probing this time would be no different. Lin Xinyi bluntly replied to the colonel: "Japan and China hope to cooperate with Germany or other countries committed to establishing a more equitable and reasonable new international order, but we will not form a military alliance to deal with any particular country."

If you intend to view the Asian alliance as a military alliance with Germany, then I think you may be disappointed. First of all, Japan and China do not have the capacity to participate in the struggle between the two major European blocs unless their annual steel production reaches half of Germany's, and they build more than two Dreadnought-class battleships each year. Otherwise, Japan and China simply cannot confront the British and French navies.

Secondly, Asia needs a more equitable and reasonable new international order, different from the current dog-eat-dog world order. Unfortunately, your country has never voiced any such proposal. Your emperor and government have focused their European conflicts on the struggle with France for Alsace and Lorraine, and on their dissatisfaction with British interference in the Franco-German conflict. Japan and China have no reason to participate in such confrontations, because they are irrelevant to the future of the Asian people.

Although Colonel Semyon was not a politician, as a naval officer sent to assist in the governance of Qingdao, he was not completely ignorant of politics; he was simply more inclined to obey orders. While Lin Xinyi's two points thwarted his attempt to drag Japan and China into the confrontation with Britain and France, he also acknowledged that Lin Xinyi's proposals were principled, not bargaining.

In this respect, Japan and China in the East were actually much more rational than the Turks. Faced with the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, those reformist forces who were determined to change the situation of the Ottoman Empire, even though they knew that accepting German help would arouse suspicion from Britain and France, thus plunging the Ottoman Empire into an even more difficult situation, still abandoned their principles and only thought about absorbing the benefits given by Germany first.

Faced with a predicament similar to that of the Ottoman Empire, Japan and China were unwilling to abandon their principles and persisted in negotiations with Germany. Colonel Seymour was well aware of the costs the German military was willing to pay for Japan and China to join this confrontation—costs that would allow them to acquire German technology and funding, thereby accelerating their industrialization.

Germany did exactly that in the Ottoman Empire. With German funding, the Young Turks not only began transforming the Ottoman Empire from an agricultural to an industrial state but also gained political power. If Japan and China were willing to stand with Germany on European issues, German support for them would be no less than that for the Ottoman Empire.

Although Germany's social wealth accumulation could not compare with that of Britain, as a major industrial power in Europe, it was not difficult for Germany to support the industrial technology of Japan and China. For example, the city of Wuhan was a miracle of German industrial and capital export. The formation of this industrial city enabled China to at least partially escape the threat of the great powers and prevent them from entering the heartland of China.

While industrial cities like Wuhan are not considered advanced in Germany, their advantageous geographical location and larger population than most European industrial cities provided a solid foundation for industrial development. If China could establish more than ten such industrial cities, the colonel believes China would be able to drive away the warships of foreign powers from its coastlines.

The German Navy recognized China's immense industrial and military potential, which is why it sought to win over this populous Eastern power. As for Japan, frankly, while its potential may not match China's, its actual military strength has reached the level of Italy. If Japan can consolidate its control over the Korean Peninsula and strengthen its industrial base, its maritime sovereignty in East Asia will be difficult to shake.

The Navy's research on Japan and China concluded that if Germany could bring Japan and China to its side to counter Britain and France, it could at least force Britain to devote a significant portion of its forces to defending the Indian Ocean. Japan might not be able to compete with the Royal Navy, but its weakened home fleet would be unable to blockade the high seas fleet.

As for China, although it could not restrain Britain at sea, as a major East Asian power connected to South Asia by land, China's army could directly threaten Myanmar and launch an attack on the Indian subcontinent from Myanmar. Although this land route was quite difficult to traverse through tropical rainforests, it was still much safer than the land route from Berlin to the Persian Gulf, since Britain, France, and Russia threatened this passage.

Individually, Japan and China could not rival the combined power of Britain and France in Asia. However, if these two nations united, Britain and France would be unable to force Japan and China to back down without diverting their European forces. This is why the navy chose to abandon Qingdao, which it had been cultivating for ten years, and instead sought to turn Japan and China into allies.

Of course, Colonel Seymour also admitted that the biggest reason the navy wanted to abandon Qingdao was that turning Qingdao into an eastern base for the German navy would require an enormous investment. Unlike the naval bases established by Britain in Asia, where the British only needed to consider local ethnic conflicts and did not need to consider maritime security, Germany also had to consider the possibility that Qingdao would need to be defended independently in the event of a conflict with Britain.

No matter how the navy simulated the scenario, Qingdao could not be defended before Shandong was acquired. Even if Shandong were acquired, it would provoke Chinese anger, giving the British support to attack Qingdao, meaning the Germans would still be unable to hold it. Therefore, the navy's past vision of an eastern naval base had become a mere dream.

Under such circumstances, increasing investment in Qingdao would be a waste of resources. Without strengthening Qingdao's defenses, it would be easy for the Royal Navy to capture the city if war broke out with Britain and France. This does not even take into account the possibility of Japan joining the war under the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, in which case Qingdao would likely fall even faster.

Therefore, even the Minister of the Navy who insisted on building the Qingdao fortress lost interest in maintaining Qingdao's status in the face of the alliance between Japan and China. Even if the British did not intervene, Qingdao would be rendered useless by the alliance between Japan and China, because the High Seas Fleet could not be far from Europe at this time. When the British were clamoring to storm into German naval ports and destroy the High Seas Fleet, the German Navy could not gamble that the Royal Navy would declare war on them first and then attack their fleet abroad.

If Qingdao were to be captured by Japan and China by force, it would severely damage Germany's national prestige. The current conflict between Germany and France, and between Germany and Britain, has kept the various countries in a neutral position because everyone believes that Germany may not necessarily lose in a land war. It is easy for Britain and France to make Germany back down, but it is very difficult to make Germany admit defeat.

However, if Japan and China attacked German colonies in the Far East and Germany did nothing, it would mean that Britain and France had the upper hand, and those originally neutral countries would now turn to Britain and France. That's why the navy considered returning Qingdao to China to prevent the situation from deteriorating further and ultimately putting Germany at a disadvantage in the European confrontation.

Colonel Seymour was ultimately not a professional politician. After determining that Japan and China could not join the confrontation between Germany and Britain and France, he quickly put forward the navy's bottom line: Germany's investment in Qingdao must be compensated, and Japan and China must provide logistical support and security guarantees to the East Asian Fleet.

Lin Xinyi and the Wuhan side had already discussed these demands from the Germans. After all, negotiations are merely about raising each other's demands, not about trying to make decisions at the negotiating table. Long before the negotiations began, the Wuhan and German navies had already understood each other's basic demands. Therefore, the Wuhan representative replied to the Germans that Germany's investments in Qingdao, including the railway, could be purchased. However, China currently does not have that much capital, so the German side had to promise that the funds from the purchase would be used to invest in railway construction in western China.

Colonel Seymne did not object to this. It was actually difficult for the Navy to realize the investment in Qingdao, because in principle these investments belonged to the German state, not the Navy's military budget. However, with the help of German capital, after these funds were converted into Chinese railway bonds, the National Assembly would increase the Navy's budget, which would be equivalent to the Navy obtaining the funds invested in Qingdao.

For the German Army, building a railway from China to Central Asia was a strategic investment no less significant than the 3B railway. After the Chinese repelled the British in Tibet and the Russians in Manchuria, the time was ripe for China to build a main railway line in its northwest. Prior to this, both the British and Russians had opposed China building railway lines in the interior and Xinjiang.

However, modern China no longer needs to consider the views of Britain and Russia on this issue, as both Britain and Russia have lost their deterrent effect over Wuhan. For the German army, the closer the Chinese railway is to Central Asia, the more it can alter the power distribution of Russia's defense between East and West, and even threaten the security of British India. The route from Central Asia through Afghanistan to the Indian subcontinent is actually more suitable for troop movement. Historically, most of India's major foreign regimes originated from Central and West Asia; there have been almost no regimes established by conquering the upper Ganges from South Asia.

The essence of this change is that the German General Staff, which previously paid little attention to the Far East, has now developed an interest in it, surpassing even the Navy. Exchanges between Wuhan and the German Army are becoming increasingly in-depth.

Of course, the accelerated construction of railways in China is also speeding up China's industrialization, which is also beneficial to the development of German industry and capital in China. Therefore, the construction of railway trunk lines in Northwest China has been officially put on the agenda. Compared with this massive railway construction plan, the funds used to buy back the Qingdao and Jiaoji railways are just a drop in the ocean.

This luncheon meeting essentially finalized the cooperation between the Japanese, Chinese, and German navies, and Lin Xinyi's mission in Wuhan was largely complete. After the luncheon, he had a small gathering with Tian Junyi and Dr. Paul Rohrbach, the German Consul General in Wuhan.

Although the afternoon gathering was somewhat ordinary, the conversation among the three was anything but. Lin Xinyi suggested to Dr. Paul Rohrbach that "establishing independence for the German Pacific colonies is the legal basis for ensuring that the German Pacific islands can obtain guarantees from the Asian Union."

My suggestion is that the independent state should completely abolish the political power of the local chieftains, retain their private property, and recognize the citizenship of immigrants. In this way, immigrants from Japan, China, and Germany can ensure that Germany holds political power in the independent state.

The traditional fishing and agriculture of the Pacific islands were insufficient to support a large population. However, modern fishing and plantations could significantly increase the island's population. Only when the number of immigrants exceeded the number of native inhabitants could the country avoid being provoked by powers like Britain and France and thus prevent rebellions.

We are not interested in the sovereignty of the Pacific islands. As long as Japan and China guarantee that their immigrants are treated fairly and that these islands are not in the hands of imperialists who discriminate against people of color, we will support German immigrants' actual control over the region.

Unless Germany voluntarily relinquishes the Pacific islands, and we are compelled to prevent them from falling into British or American hands, we will, in principle, not object to Germany's right to rule over the region.

If Dr. Rohrbach had heard these words before coming to China, he would naturally have felt offended, as he himself was an imperialist who discriminated against people of color. However, after coming to China and witnessing firsthand the rapid advancement of the Chinese people into modern civilization, the doctor not only further confirmed the correctness of his theory—that Germany's future lay in the East—but also revised his views. At the very least, the Chinese could not be considered people of color; they were capable of performing complex tasks just like Germans, and learning science was not as difficult for them.

Dr. Rohrbach's assessment was that the bridge built over the Han River, the steel mills and large thermal power plants established in the Wuhan area, and the petrochemical plant built in Jiujiang—this series of infrastructure and heavy industrial constructions—did not appear to be any different from those in Germany. Although the Chinese still lacked sufficient engineers and scholars, the fact that the Chinese were able to complete such complex industrial construction under the guidance of a very small number of engineers was something rarely seen in Africa or within the Ottoman Empire.

Dr. Rohrbach compared Africans, Turks, and Chinese and found that the biggest difference between them was that the upper classes of Africans and Turks had little faith, but the lower classes had very strong faith. They would never do anything that God did not permit, which meant that many jobs could only be done by foreigners.

The Chinese, on the other hand, are quite the opposite. Although Chinese beliefs are complex, the lower classes are generally not devout, while the upper classes are exceptionally entrenched in old traditions. Therefore, in China's development, as long as the Chinese people are freed from the threats posed by their upper classes, they can become excellent workers and soldiers without questioning science. This is a completely different national characteristic from that of Africans and Turks.

The Wuhan regime was so powerful because the Workers' Party liberated the peasants from the conservative gentry, enabling them to work for their own livelihoods. These peasants quickly became staunch supporters of the Wuhan regime. Given time, the doctor believed these Chinese would become indistinguishable from Europeans; like the Germans before the Franco-Prussian War, once they became members of a unified German nation, they would unleash tremendous patriotic fervor.

Dr. Rohrbach did not object to Lin Xinyi's proposal to enhance the rights of immigrants on the Pacific islands so that they could overwhelm the political influence of the natives. This was because the German Pacific islands were too fragmented for Germany to govern effectively. This was why the navy valued Qingdao, because by acquiring Shandong, the German navy would have a stable base in the East. If Germany relied solely on the population resources of the Pacific islands, it would not have been able to maintain these colonies.

The German Pacific Islands are actually divided into three parts: east, central, and west. Samoa in the west has the best natural conditions, but it is far from the mainland. New Guinea is rich in resources, but its climate is not suitable for agriculture. The central islands have more military value than economic value. Japanese immigrants mainly settled in the central islands because they were closer to the Japanese mainland and conducive to the development of fishery resources. Chinese immigrants mainly gathered in New Guinea and Samoa. The former was mainly for the development of copper mines and forest resources, while the latter were plantation laborers.

Without the help of Japanese and Chinese immigrants, the German Pacific islands would only have added to Germany's national pride, but would not have brought much economic benefit. Only when Japanese and Chinese immigrants arrived and replaced the island's native inhabitants as the main workforce were the islands' resources effectively developed.

According to the doctor, Japan and China genuinely had little desire for these islands, as neither country was strong enough to deter other powers from occupying them. The Germans' presence effectively prevented Britain, the United States, and other nations from encroaching on these Pacific islands. The three parties had a mutually beneficial cooperative relationship; after all, the Germans weren't going to abandon civilized society and migrate to the islands; they were simply looking for opportunities to make money.

End of this chapter

Chapter 751

Dr. Paul Rohrbach was essentially concerned with only two things: first, how the Alliance would guarantee that this autonomous territory, independent of Germany, would be protected from attack by the Allied Powers during the war; and second, how the Alliance would guarantee the safety of the German East Asian Fleet after Germany returned Qingdao.

Regarding these two issues, the latter has actually been resolved. However, it is clear that the German Navy representative has not yet reported to the doctor, which shows that the bureaucratic style in Germany is also very prominent. There is no way for the lower levels of the Navy and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to communicate. They can only report to their respective superiors, and the intelligence is ultimately exchanged at the higher levels.

Lin Xinyi briefly mentioned that after Japan and China reached an agreement on logistical support and security for the German East Asian Fleet after its change of nationality, he focused on the first issue. He pointed out to the doctor: "It is not the alliance that guarantees the security of the autonomous dominion, but rather that the autonomous dominion must first prove that it is not a subordinate of Berlin, but a member of the alliance. Only under such circumstances will the parties of the alliance not allow a member of the alliance to be subjected to unreasonable attacks, because an infringement upon the autonomous dominion is an infringement upon all the countries of the alliance."

Therefore, the primary challenge facing the autonomous dominion is the struggle against Berlin. If the dominion lacks independent diplomatic power and the authority to draft its own constitution, it's difficult to believe it is a nation with an independent will. The Union will not fight for Germany's servants; what we need are comrades-in-arms to defend the Union's interests.

Lin Xinyi's statement was far from Berlin's expectations. Although Berlin was willing to grant the Pacific islands nominal independence, it did not want to give up its control over the region. After all, although Berlin disliked these overseas colonies for wasting a lot of German tax revenue, at least these islands were valuable in the eyes of China and Japan. Since they were valuable, they could not be easily given up.

However, the doctor also knew that Berlin did not actually have a strong desire to control the Pacific islands after independence. Those domestic officials just wanted to leave a back door. If the Pacific islands could really develop after independence, then they might be able to regain control of these islands through the back door. If they were still a wasteland after independence, then they would really recognize the independence of these islands.

Berlin’s ambiguous attitude stemmed from the fact that the Germans began seeking colonies overseas too late. Most of the places with good natural conditions had already been divided up, and the remaining areas not occupied by Britain and France were either unsuitable for Europeans or far from major transportation routes.

After unification, Germany experienced a period of rapid population growth, with nearly 300 million new people added each year by the end of the 19th century. It was under this pressure to survive that Germany's elites advocated seeking living space overseas. However, the Germans did not initially set their sights on places like Africa, the Americas, and the Pacific, but rather on the Ottoman Empire in the Near East.

When Moltke the Elder was still a young military officer, Germany was not yet unified. The Germans believed that the German nation could inherit the territory of the Ottoman Empire, after the Ottoman Empire had died. Asia Minor, a traditional agricultural region, became desolate under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. This led the Germans to believe that the Turks were incapable of building their own country, so the demise of the Ottoman Empire was only a matter of time.

As for why Germany could inherit the territory of the Ottoman Empire, it was because Otto I obtained the title of Holy Roman Emperor, which meant that the German people obtained the right to inherit the Roman Empire. Before the rise of the Ottoman Empire, Asia Minor was the territory of the Roman Empire. Therefore, once the Ottoman Empire was destroyed, the German Empire naturally had the right to claim sovereignty over the territory of Asia Minor.

This theory of succession was endorsed by the German political elite. Wilhelm II was extremely enthusiastic about it, and thus he established a good personal relationship with the Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II, and built an excellent army for the latter, thereby suppressing domestic rebellions.

It was precisely because of the good relationship between Wilhelm II and the Sultan that Germany's 3B railway was able to move from blueprints to reality. Of course, the Sultan only wanted to use Germany's power to rule his empire and did not want the Ottoman Empire to become a German vassal state, so the Germans also supported young Turkish officers who wanted to reform the Ottoman Empire.

This is why Germany invested far more in the Ottoman Empire than in its overseas colonies, and why Britain and France were so wary of Germany's expansion in the Near East. Germany was not conquering the Ottoman Empire, but trying to make it part of itself. If the German plan succeeded, Germany and India would become neighboring countries. Faced with such a large Germany spanning Eurasia, Britain and France's rule in the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean would be doomed.

Therefore, the number of Germans going to the Ottoman Empire for work and business far exceeded those going to overseas colonies in Africa and the Pacific. This was because the climate in these overseas colonies was harsh and they were far from civilization. The construction of the 3B railway made German expatriates in the Ottoman Empire feel that they were not far from Berlin and could return to Germany as soon as they took a train. However, in those African and Pacific colonies, it was normal for them to not know what was happening in Europe for months.

Therefore, after entering the 20th century, fewer than 300 Germans migrated to the Pacific islands each year. Half of them were going to the colonies for official business. In 1908 alone, more than 2000 Germans went to Wuhan. Although Wuhan did not grant Germans the right to naturalization, this actually reassured Berlin.

At that time, the largest source of German emigration was the United States, and most Germans moved to the United States to settle down. This situation caused great concern among German elites, who believed that the emigration of these highly skilled Germans to the United States would greatly weaken Germany's strength.

This was the reality Berlin faced: the German Pacific islands were simply not developing under German control, and to maintain German rule there, Berlin needed to continuously pour money into them. Furthermore, if war broke out in Europe, Germany wouldn't be able to hold onto these islands. If these Pacific islands didn't represent the fruits of Germany's colonial expansion, Berlin would actually have been quite willing to sell them to Japan or China.

This is also why Berlin is willing to consider separating the Pacific islands from Germany and making them part of an Asian alliance, which would at least relieve Germany of its responsibility to protect these useless islands. However, if Japan and China were to actually develop these barren islands in the Pacific, Berlin would be reluctant to give them up.

Why are the Japanese and Chinese able to develop these islands? Because these islands are surrounded by abundant fishery resources. For Germany, this would be a liability, as the distance is too great, transportation costs are too high, and Germany's developed agriculture ensures a sufficient supply of protein. However, for the less developed agriculture of Japan and China, the fishery resources in these regions represent a very attractive source of profit. As a result, the fish catch in the Pacific islands increased fourteenfold in 2008 compared to 2002, with 70% of the increase coming from Japanese fishing vessels and the remaining 30% from Sino-German joint venture fishing companies.

The Germans believed that the climate of these barren islands was unsuitable for agriculture, only suitable for growing tropical cash crops. However, after the Chinese migrated to these islands, they successfully cultivated a considerable amount of vegetables and began to explore the possibility of growing grains. The tropical diseases that the Germans feared on these islands were effectively prevented by the Chinese. Their preventative measures were actually quite simple: boiled tea and mosquito nets. These two lifestyle habits reduced the number of Chinese infected with diseases and the mortality rate to at least half that of European immigrants, only slightly worse than the native inhabitants.

With China's massive population, as long as the Chinese can tolerate the mortality rate during the development of these islands, it is not a fantasy that these barren islands in the Pacific can be transformed into habitable areas. After all, the ports and major cities in Southeast Asia were almost all built by the Chinese themselves, and the local natives and European colonists were never the builders.

Therefore, Berlin was well aware that the Pacific islands depended on the Japanese for security and on Chinese labor for development. Deteriorating relations with both Japan and China would only lead to a stagnant and lifeless existence in the German Pacific islands, something neither Berlin nor German capital desired. Consequently, the author also knew that he had little room for negotiation with China and Japan; given the confrontation within the European bloc, Germany had virtually lost its bargaining power in the Far East.

The doctor was well aware that if war in Europe was inevitable, then Germany's overseas colonies would really have only two paths: be allowed to become independent or be occupied by Britain and France. In reality, the former path was almost non-existent. Without the endorsement of countries with regional control like Japan and China, those colonies would not be able to claim their independence.

This was also the basis for Berlin's willingness to negotiate with Japan and China. Not negotiating meant waiting for war to break out and for Britain and France to seize German assets overseas. Negotiation, on the other hand, allowed them to retain some of their overseas assets, essentially meaning they had to acknowledge Japanese and Chinese interests in German colonies.

When Dr. Paul Rohrbach fell silent, Lin Xinyi exchanged glances with the representatives from Wuhan and then made a personal suggestion to the doctor: "Dr. Rohrbach has served as Consul General in Wuhan for quite some time now, and we believe that our communication with him has been quite pleasant. If Dr. Rohrbach could serve as the Prime Minister of this newly independent autonomous dominion, we think it would be most appropriate for him."