Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 145

Upon hearing this, Lieutenant Colonel Kiyozo Oda sighed inwardly; this mission was indeed difficult. After the Meiji Restoration opened the country's doors, some Japanese who couldn't find a way out domestically thought of venturing overseas to seek opportunities to make a name for themselves and get rich. Initially, it was neighboring Korea, and after the Sino-Japanese War, it was China. These people were known domestically as "continental ronin."

These mainland wanderers, waving the banner of patriotism, disguised themselves as pioneers expanding the nation's colonies, but in reality, they wanted to win over the nation as a backer to protect their illicit overseas businesses. What they did was no different from what Europeans did during the Age of Exploration centuries earlier: robbing and plundering the wealth of weaker nations, viewing it as an adventurous experience.

However, the most lucrative places in the world had already been occupied by Europeans. These continental ronin could only plunder their neighbors. Korea and China were not suitable targets for Japan, because Japan had learned enough lessons in history that as long as a unified regime existed in China, Japan had no place to stand on the East Asian continent.

However, the current situation is unprecedented in thirty years. China, facing pressure from European powers, can no longer even protect North Korea, thus giving Japan the opportunity to set foot on the East Asian mainland. As a result, adventurous ronin (masterless samurai) finally experienced success. Many people made their fortunes on the Korean Peninsula, so more young people in Japan who had no other options joined the ronin group on the mainland, hoping to replicate their success on the Korean Peninsula in China.

Unlike in the past, the mainland wanderers, who were originally spontaneously formed by scattered civilians, are now gradually being organized, and even young army officers have joined them.

These young officers harbored ambitions far greater than those of the early mainland ronin. They weren't going to the mainland for wealth and adventure; they genuinely wanted to integrate Korea and China into Japan. Such ambition was absent from the navy, a newly established branch of the military for Japan. Compared to the number of naval personnel Japan trained, the navy's expansion rate remained ahead of its time. The navy's long-standing complaint was a shortage of personnel, not a shortage of warships—though this was merely internal discussion. Because the navy had ample capacity to accommodate its talent, it had never before encountered a naval academy student who didn't want to develop within the navy and instead sought opportunities overseas. Hayashi Shin-yi could be considered a pioneer in this regard. Kokiyozo worried that Hayashi Shin-yi, having achieved such success in China, might want to return to Japan. After all, his current position within the Labor Party was almost ministerial; returning would be uncertain. Even if Ito Genzo greatly appreciated him, he couldn't simply promote him to shogun.

By comparing the development experiences of young army officers in China, those army officers who served as advisors in the Beiyang Army were actually unwilling to return to China to take up military positions. This was because the hierarchical relationship in China was like an insurmountable chasm, and the meager salaries made it difficult to support their families. Only when they held positions of regimental commander or above would they have much more money to spare, which was incomparable to the navy.

These army officers serving as advisors in the Beiyang Army not only avoided reprimands from their superiors, but also received significantly higher stipends than those in China. Furthermore, their years of service overseas were recognized by the military, and their promotions were often smoother. Consequently, many military academy graduates viewed serving as an advisor in China as a vacation, and returning home upon completion of their term as a chore.

What Yukiyoshi was worried about was that Hayashi Nobuyoshi might have the same mentality, which would make it difficult for him to explain himself upon returning. He was a typical bureaucrat from the inner circle, with a resume similar to that of Minister Yamamoto. He spent most of his time working in government offices, so he was quite well aware of the inside stories within the Navy. Whether Hayashi Nobuyoshi could return had become a focal point of the struggle between the Ministry of the Navy and the Naval General Staff.

Minister Izumoto attempted to attack the Naval General Staff for its unreliability by pointing to Hayashi Shin-yi's arrogance. While Hayashi Shin-yi's achievements in China and India were beyond question, his disrespectful attitude towards superiors was still a point of attack. After all, the navy is a disciplined force and cannot tolerate such behavior.

Of course, if Hayashi Nobuyoshi returned, the pressure on Minister Yamamoto would fall on Hayashi Nobuyoshi; but if he didn't return, the pressure would fall on the Naval General Staff, especially on Chief of Staff Kawahara. Therefore, Oyuki Yozo's guess is that Minister Yamamoto would probably prefer Hayashi Nobuyoshi not to return, so that Minister Yamamoto could suppress the Naval General Staff and restore the authority of the Navy Ministry.

Oda sighed inwardly. The Navy Ministry used to be the undisputed authority within the navy. The army had three major branches, but the navy only had the Navy Ministry; other departments were merely supporting roles. However, with Ito's rise to seniority and subsequent appointment as Prime Minister, the Naval General Staff's status has steadily increased, and now it can rival the Navy Ministry.

Not only was Minister Yamamoto unable to tolerate it, but the bureaucrats of the Ministry of the Navy were also dissatisfied. They believed that the Naval General Staff's wanton infringement on the Ministry of the Navy's power was disrupting the balance within the Navy, and that continuing this would only lead to a split within the Navy. Therefore, they advocated restoring the traditions of the past, that is, the traditions of Minister Saigo's time.

However, the Navy Ministry officials' proposals were met with dissatisfaction from Naval General Staff bureaucrats. Some openly complained privately, "The traditions of Minister Saigo's era are not the Navy's traditions. This is the Navy's obedience to Senior Marshal Saigo, not to the Navy Ministry. It should be said that the current Navy is the only truly normalized Navy..."

These words quickly reached the Navy Ministry, which aroused even greater dissatisfaction with the Naval General Staff. In particular, the naval war against Russia had ended, and the Navy was now waiting for the distribution of the spoils of victory. The question of who was the biggest contributor to the war between the Navy Ministry and the Naval General Staff was an important reason for their incessant struggle. Whoever showed weakness in the struggle would naturally not get a large share of the spoils of war.

As Koyuki Yozo was pondering, the young man who had brought them came out of the main house and invited them inside. He quickly composed himself and walked up the steps into the house. Before Colonel Oda could even identify the person sitting at the table, he heard Domoto beside him greet him respectfully and without hesitation:

"Hello, Committee Member Lin."

Seeing the young man rise and walk towards them, Lieutenant Colonel Oda finally recognized him. Although they weren't close, he was familiar with Lin Xinyi's appearance; after all, his main job this year had been gathering information on Lin Xinyi and reporting it to his superiors. While Lin Xinyi had changed considerably, the changes were primarily in his demeanor; his appearance had only changed slightly, with the addition of a mustache. Therefore, after Domoto spoke, he quickly confirmed the man's identity.

Koki Daizo, being a bureaucrat from an administrative background, despite having a higher military rank, didn't adhere to military protocol by waiting for the other to greet him. Instead, he proactively greeted Hayashi Shinichi, saying, "Commissioner, hello. We are reporters from the Mainichi Shimbun. Thank you for giving us this opportunity to interview." Hayashi Shinichi nodded to his secretary, dismissing him, and then invited the two to sit in the reception area. He then asked Domoto Keiichi, "How are Kishida and Furukawa doing lately?"

Domoto briefly recounted their recent situation, after which Yukiyozo interjected, saying to Hayashi Shin'ichi, "Lieutenant Hayashi, I've been sent by Vice Minister Togo to bring you back to Japan. We can take the train to Tianjin tomorrow morning, where a warship can take us back to Tokyo..."

Lin Xinyi interrupted him, saying gently but firmly, "No, I can't leave for now. But I'll be back before the end of this month."

Xiao You's expression turned somewhat grim. Just as he was about to say something more, Lin Xinyi said to him, "Go back and inform Vice Minister Togo that the matters I'm handling here are closely related to the post-war development of the navy. I will give him and Chief of Staff Kawahara a detailed report when I return."

Yoshizo's open mouth slowly closed again. Because he was in charge of gathering information on Shinichi Hayashi's movements, he understood that what the other man said wasn't just empty boasting. If the naval research club that Shinichi Hayashi had established at the Naval Academy had caused dissatisfaction among some senior naval personnel, who might have uttered strange remarks like "he might just be a scholar with high aspirations but low abilities," then the current Shinichi Hayashi was enough to make people take his views seriously.

For other young officers in the navy, reporting to Vice Admiral Togo and Commander-in-Chief Kawahara was incredibly difficult. Even for Oguri himself, he could only be summoned by Vice Admiral Togo; he had no right to request an audience on his own initiative. However, he knew that for Hayashi Nobuyoshi, reporting to Vice Admiral Togo, Commander-in-Chief Kawahara, or even to Elder Ito would be quite simple—something he couldn't comment on.

Seemingly noticing the difficulty on Xiaoyou's face, Lin Xinyi smiled slightly and said, "You don't need to worry about anything. Let Domoto stay here; he'll come back to Tokyo with me. That way, you won't have to worry about me breaking my promise. You also won't have to go back empty-handed. I still need to prepare some gifts; you can take them back to Tokyo for me. Oh, no need to send the telegram, to avoid Vice Minister Togo's nagging. Just go back and ask him for a report."

Chapter 519 The Era of the Common People

Although Hayashi Shin-yi was only in his early twenties, and his fellow naval academy graduates were only lieutenants, Lieutenant Commander Yukiyo felt that she was still at a disadvantage in the face of Hayashi's strength, just as she had when facing Vice Minister Togo and Chief of Staff Kawahara.

As a bureaucrat from the government, Lieutenant Colonel Oda's style was more like that of a civil servant in the government. He did not regard the organizational relationships in the military as inviolable rules. Some people, although in low positions, could often influence higher-ranking officials in the government. This was a principle that the naive soldiers in the military could not understand.

If it were a lieutenant colonel from the military, no matter how brilliant Lin Xinyi's achievements were, disregarding military rank would be unforgivable. Under Lin Xinyi's pressure, he might have done something irrational. However, Lieutenant Colonel Oda, who had always been in the office, became weak in the face of Lin Xinyi's assertiveness. He felt that Lin Xinyi's assertiveness represented confidence, and he didn't need to confront him directly, since this was just official business.

To his surprise, Domoto Keiichi, who was standing to the side, noticed that Lieutenant Colonel Oda was dismissed after being given a few instructions by Hayashi Shinichi. He did not show the arrogance that one would expect from a high-ranking officer. Although Lieutenant Colonel Oda was more amiable than other high-ranking officers he had met, he had still been bossing him around on the way to China and had not taken him seriously at all.

Just as Domoto Keiichi was pondering Lieutenant Colonel Oda's incredible ability to change his expression, he heard Lin Xinyi's question in his ear, "There were outsiders present just now, so I couldn't ask too many details. Now tell me, after you went back, did anyone make things difficult for you? What's the situation in the country right now?"

Domoto quickly regained his attention and sat down again in the reception area with Lin Xinyi before saying, "Fortunately, the letter you gave me was sent out after arriving in Singapore."

Unlike the brief reminiscing earlier, this time Domoto Keiichi gave Lin Xinyi a detailed report on his and his companions' experiences since arriving in Singapore. As the former intelligence chief, Domoto's report was concise and to the point, detailed yet not tedious. It made Lin Xinyi clearly aware that there was a disgruntled faction within the navy that was dissatisfied with him. Domoto and his companions had been detained and interrogated upon their arrival in Japan, but their letters led the Naval General Staff to intervene and investigate, ultimately resulting in their release.

Even with such a positive outcome, Domoto hesitated for a moment before finally speaking frankly to Hayashi Nobuyoshi: "Vice Minister Togo seems to be very concerned about your actions. He specifically reminded me that if you return to the General Staff Headquarters this time, he will try to transfer me there, but he hopes I can report your actions to him frequently to prevent a recurrence of this incident."

Lin Xinyi remained attentive and attentive until Domoto explained how Vice Minister Togo had tried to win him over. Only then did he smile slightly and say, "Vice Minister Togo seems to have been genuinely frightened by me and is starting to distrust me. However, it seems that Vice Minister Togo also put in a lot of effort regarding the arrangements for the three of you. Do you have any thoughts on that?"

After a moment's thought, Keiichi Domoto said, "Yoshi, Furukawa, and I all hope to continue working for you, even if it takes a while."

Lin Xinyi stared at Domoto for a while before saying seriously, "Let's not even talk about whether I can get through this hurdle when I go back this time. Even if I do get through it, I came to China before graduating. For the various factions within the Navy, I'm considered to have jumped out of the five elements. I'm afraid it will be difficult for any faction to truly accept me. Following me is not a good thing."

Among the three—Kishi Yuhara Taro, Furukawa Shunga, and others—Domoto Keiichi was the most rational. He had come to China with Hayashi Shin-yi on an adventure in order to get close to this bigwig at the naval seminar and hope to infiltrate the elite circle of the navy.

The first batch of cadets at the Marine Corps School were those who felt hopeless about getting into the Naval Academy and thus opted for this as a second choice. However, they were also well aware that while the Marine Corps School offered them an opportunity to join the Navy, the Marine Corps offered little prospect of advancement; they were merely doing menial labor for the Navy. If they wanted to rise in rank, they shouldn't expect to gain any recognition through hard work.

It was for this reason that Domoto Keiichi wanted to forge a personal relationship with Hayashi Shinichi, an elite among elites at the Naval Academy, which is why he signed up for the trip to China. The only thing he hadn't anticipated was that Hayashi Shinichi's purpose in coming to China wasn't to seek to expand the navy's power there, but rather to genuinely help the Chinese defend Tibet.

He once thought he had made a mistake. Lin Xinyi was not as elite as he had imagined; he was just a hot-blooded and talented young man. Such people were not uncommon in the anti-shogunate movement, but they rarely lasted until the final victory. For example, Kusaka Mizuki and Sakamoto Ryoma were too focused on the anti-shogunate cause and failed to protect themselves. Thus, they became brilliant shooting stars in the anti-shogunate cause. However, after traveling from Tibet to India, Domoto Keiichi was finally in awe of Lin Xinyi's achievements. Compared to his own plan for managing China, Lin Xinyi's plan was as insignificant as a firefly compared to the moon. Although he did not understand what Lin Xinyi was trying to do, the prestige that Lin Xinyi had built up among the Chinese was already astonishing.

Despite the army's painstaking efforts to place its people in the Beiyang clique and Beijing, it only managed to gain favor with the Beiyang clique led by Yuan Shikai and the close ties of some Manchu nobles. However, the army was powerless to influence the actions of the Beiyang clique or the Manchus, because these Chinese were very cunning. Even if they were close to the Japanese, it was only to use Japan to counter other powers. In Wuhan, although Lin Xinyi had not yet shown the kind of influence he had on the Chinese, the respect the Chinese showed him was genuine, not just superficial politeness. It was as if Lin Xinyi was a pure Chinese, not a Japanese, just like what he had seen in Tibet and India.

According to Domoto, Lin Xinyi's influence in Wuhan must have surpassed that of the army in Beijing and the Beiyang clique. Based on this, Xinyi's adventures in Tibet and India over the past three years have been successful. Regardless of what Lin Xinyi was planning, at least the most difficult step had been taken. Domoto, who had always been by Lin Xinyi's side, believed that there would never be a more difficult time than the past three years.

Faced with Lin Xinyi's question, Domoto Keiichi took a deep breath, then looked firmly into the other's eyes and said, "Whether it's Vice Minister Togo, Minister Kawahara, or even Minister Yamamoto, none of them would take us to see the scenery of the Himalayas. We've already seen the Himalayas; who would still care about those ordinary sights? The three of us hope to continue following you and see what the scenery is like at the end of this road."

Lin Xinyi was slightly surprised by Domoto's reply, but not entirely unexpected. Although Domoto and the other two had not accepted socialist theory, their mentality of following the strong remained unchanged. During their three years in the British Army, even colonels and generals had to bow their heads to them. Now, upon returning to Japan, even a mere captain could arbitrarily reprimand them. This psychological gap could not be compensated for by the future that Togo had promised.

Lin Xinyi remained silent for a moment, then finally smiled at Domoto Keiichi, who was looking at him with unease, and said, "I can't guarantee what lies at the end of this road, but I can tell you what I'm going to do when I return to Japan. I want to transform Japan. The Japan of the past was the Japan of nobles, the Japan of today is the Japan of military and financial magnates, and I hope that the Japan of the future will be the Japan of ordinary people. Are you still planning to walk this path with me?"

Domoto was not surprised by Hayashi's reply, because he had seen the other party do this for the past three years. It made no sense that after defeating the nobles and landlords in Tibet and India, Hayashi would continue to kneel before them after returning to Japan. This was clearly illogical.

Domoto had discussed this issue with Kishi and Furukawa, but he also wanted to clarify Hayashi Shin-yi's thoughts further, so he tentatively asked, "Actually, based on the abilities you've shown over the past three years, you might be able to leave the lower class very soon after returning to Japan. Do you really still want to stick to your own ideas?"

Lin Xinyi looked at him earnestly and explained, "Lord Ito's contributions can't be underestimated, but when he attends celebrations at the palace, he still faces contempt from those old nobles. To them, the new nobles are just sycophants who have risen to power, and they can't stand on equal footing with these ancient families that have been passed down for thousands of years. And to the new nobles like Yamagata and Oyama, people like us from commoner backgrounds are also just a bunch of sycophants."

No matter how capable we are, we can never compare to the achievements they made during the fall of the Tokugawa shogunate. Therefore, dreaming of escaping the common people and entering the upper class is nothing more than stripping naked and entering the banquet of the gentry, serving them their pleasure.

Only by transforming Japan, completely overturning the gentry's banquet, and making the common people the masters of Japan, can we become the masters of the new banquet. Since we can be human, why choose to be dogs?

Kishimoto looked at Lin Xinyi for a long time before sincerely bowing his head and saying, "Indeed, only such a plan can bring out your talents. Although I am not very capable, I am willing to follow you and see what the era of the common people is like."

Meanwhile, less than two miles from Lin Xinyi's office, the representative of the Far Eastern Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Party also concluded on Lenin's telegram that Babushkin, with the support of Balansky and others, finally suppressed the opposition of Kurnatovsky and others, advocating cooperation with the Workers' Party on the basis of national self-determination.

Babshekin said to others: "Through these past few days of dialogue with representatives of the Workers' Party and the Asian Revolutionary Alliance, we have clearly seen that the Workers' Party truly represents the interests of the Chinese proletariat, and the Asian Revolutionary Alliance is not pursuing a nationwide nationalist revolution. At a time when the Russian proletariat is being jointly suppressed by the Tsarist government and imperialism, we cannot refuse the support of the Chinese and Asian people..."

Chapter 520 The Unity of the Proletariat

On the afternoon of October 2, when the Russians, having reached their conclusions, met again with representatives of the Workers' Party, Babushkin relayed Lenin's telegram to Lin Xinyi, expressing his willingness to cooperate between the two parties on the basis of the principle of national self-determination.

Although Babushkin said so, Kurnatovsky could not completely change his mind. He was a member of the People's Will Party before joining the Social Democratic Party before the Chita Uprising. He did not belong to the Bolsheviks. His position on the issue of overthrowing the Tsar was very clear, but in terms of socialism, he was more in favor of people owning land than public ownership, and he supported village communities and local autonomy, and opposed a centralized government.

On the issue of overthrowing the Tsar, Kurnatovsky was willing to unite with the Chinese, but on other issues he became a nationalist. Therefore, although Lenin's telegram expressed support for the principle of national self-determination and indicated that he would publish an article on this issue in the next issue of Proletariat, it could not truly change his mind; he was merely representing the minority opinion in the delegation and had to yield to the majority opinion.

Therefore, when the meeting began, Kurnatovsky raised the issue of the division of the Far East after the war with the Chinese. For both China and Russia, this was the core issue of postwar peace and an important issue of whether the two parties could cooperate. Russia had almost lost everything in the war, so the Russians were well aware that most of their interests in the Far East would be lost. What the Russians were concerned about was which interests they had to give up and which interests they had to defend.

Babushkin and Baransky wanted to first finalize the part of the bilateral cooperation before discussing peace between the two countries, a plan that would be more acceptable to their own people. However, Kurnatovsky disrupted their plans, bringing up the core issue from the outset. Faced with this situation, Babushkin, though displeased, could only remain silent. He couldn't expose his internal contradictions to the Chinese; even if the two sides became true allies, such openness was impossible. Besides, he also hoped to use this opportunity to see just how big the Chinese appetite really was.

Yang Sheng, sitting on the other side of the conference table, turned his gaze to Xin Yi. Although he was nominally the official representative of the Labor Party, Lin Feng, who was sitting here as an observer of the Asian Revolutionary Alliance, had the right to make the decision. Naturally, he wanted to see Lin Feng's expression first when faced with this issue.

Lin Xinyi was not surprised by Kurnatovsky's question. The reason Russians were so averse to the principle of national self-determination was precisely because this principle challenged the legitimacy of Russian rule in Asia. According to the principle of national self-determination, theoretically, all Russian territories in Asia should have the right to secede, because the original inhabitants of these lands did not identify with Slavic culture and the legitimacy of the Romanov dynasty; they were all conquered by Russia through force.

From the perspective of Slavic nationalists, the Workers' Party's proposal of the principle of national self-determination was an attempt to split Russia and turn non-Slavic peoples into vassals of China, so they naturally vehemently opposed this principle.

From a third-party perspective, Slavic nationalists were well aware of the atrocities Tsarist Russia had committed against other minority groups. However, they did not intend to settle scores with these groups; instead, they sought to make them forget these atrocities and then work with them to build a new Russia. A strong Russia needed these minorities and the lands they had lived on for generations. As for the Chinese, most were not enthusiastic about the principle of national self-determination, given that China was also a multi-ethnic country. It was only because the Russians opposed it so vehemently that the Workers' Party considered the principle of national self-determination potentially beneficial. However, regarding the redistribution of interests in the Far East after the war, the Chinese advocated for the return of all ceded interests.

If we simply follow the historical narrative of China, Russia's borders should be drawn all the way to the Ural Mountains. After all, strictly speaking, only the area around Moscow in Tsarist Russia can be considered "historically significant." If both sides are allowed to freely interpret this issue, then further discussion will be impossible.

Therefore, it was necessary to first establish a framework for both sides to avoid endless arguments. This was also why he did not join the meeting as a pure representative of the Workers' Party. Under Yang Jiazhu's watchful gaze, Xinyi spoke up: "The proletariat of China and Russia agree to unite on the principle of national self-determination, and the purpose of this unity is to overthrow the alliance of capitalism and reactionary forces worldwide. Russian comrades should have no objection to this proposition, right?"

Babushkin and Baransky quickly made their stance clear, and Kurnatovsky had little doubt; if it weren't for this goal, they wouldn't be here. In fact, this was precisely the reason they united with the Workers' Party; it was under this proposition that the workers and soldiers of Chita endorsed the revolutionary path of uniting with China against the Tsarist government.

Seeing the Russians' agreement with this view, Lin Xinyi continued, "According to Marx's theory, communism can only emerge from the most advanced capitalist society, and the Chinese proletariat recognizes this objective law. Therefore, we believe that to overthrow capitalism, we must first win in the most developed capitalist regions. Today, the most developed capitalist countries in the world are in Europe, so the success or failure of the proletarian revolution in Europe will determine the key to the proletariat's victory over the bourgeoisie. Do you share this view?"

Babushkin replied without hesitation: "That's right. Any true proletarian would agree with this judgment: if the European proletariat cannot overthrow the bourgeoisie, then the nations of the world cannot be liberated from the oppression of capitalism."

Lin Xinyi then continued, "Therefore, the key to the victory of the proletarian revolution lies in the self-liberation of the European proletariat. But can the European proletariat really defeat the bourgeoisie on its own? When the revolution broke out in France, Britain would unite with the reactionary forces of various European countries to suppress the French people. We have seen history repeat itself several times in the past hundred years."

When the bourgeoisie wants to suppress a revolution, they never hesitate to use the reactionary forces of other countries or nations. So-called patriotism and nationalism are nothing but a tattered rag in the face of class interests, and the bourgeoisie understands this very well. Therefore, if the proletariat wants to defeat the bourgeoisie, it is impossible for them to use the power of a single country or nation to win the revolution.

The state and nation are used to divide the proletarian resistance forces. In the name of the state and nation, the proletariat of each country and nation is made to believe that they are an independent part and fight against the bourgeoisie. In this way, the proletariat's hatred and anger towards the bourgeoisie are transferred to the proletariat of other countries and nations. This is the root cause of the current prevalence of state and nationalism in Europe.

For the European proletariat to achieve victory over the bourgeoisie, it must first break down the shackles of the state and nation, uniting the proletariat for its own interests. This is why we must recognize national self-determination; without it, proletarian identity cannot be established.

Babushkin and Balansky finally understood why Lenin strongly advocated the principle of national self-determination in the telegram. If the telegram had contained enough information, Lenin's thinking on national self-determination would likely have been in this direction.

Kurnatovsky's discontent also lessened considerably. Having joined the Social Democratic Party, he naturally had a certain degree of acceptance of scientific socialist theory; otherwise, he wouldn't have joined in the first place. The proposals put forward by the Chinese did not contradict the theoretical direction of socialism, so he naturally wouldn't oppose them.

Lin Xinyi glanced at the Russians and continued, "The proletariat of the world is anticipating a major victory for the European proletariat over the bourgeoisie. This will be the greatest milestone for all mankind, just as apes evolved into humans. Humanity will break free from a lower level of civilization and enter a higher level."

We all know that animals do not have the concepts of nation and ethnicity, and primitive humans did not have these concepts either. Nation and ethnicity are concepts of human civilization that gradually formed after the emergence of private ownership. When we eliminate private ownership, nation and ethnicity will inevitably tend to disappear. However, with the combination of highly developed productive forces and a public ownership economy, we cannot return to primitive communism, but rather it will become the beginning of a completely new civilization.

This is why the victory of the proletariat is the root of the liberation of all mankind, and why the proletariat outside of Europe supported the European proletarian revolution. Because under this new form of civilization, all the evils brought about by private ownership will die with the abolition of private ownership.

Kurnatovsky suddenly nodded in agreement, saying, "I support your point of view; private property is the root of all evil." After hesitating for a moment, he finally added, "We should indeed eliminate evil by eliminating private property, rather than merely condemning it."

Baransky looked at his comrade with some surprise, but Babushkin was not surprised. The People's Will Party members were also idealists. Their criticism of public ownership was because they felt it was an unattainable goal, not because they had any fondness for private ownership. They thought that redistributing land seemed easier to do, rather than because they agreed that land should be private property.

Yang Dusheng was taken aback. He didn't quite understand why Kurnatovsky, a die-hard among the Russians, would support Lin Feng's propositions. To be honest, he didn't quite understand Comrade Lin Feng's propositions either, whether it was the idea of ​​eliminating the state and nation or the idea of ​​eliminating private ownership. However, at this moment, he could only remain silent.

Lin Xinyi nodded to the Russians, then continued, "Since we share the same goal of the proletarian revolution, then we should discuss how to do things that are beneficial to the proletarian revolution."

First, we believe that the proletarian revolution in Europe will be the key to defeating the bourgeoisie; however, we also believe that the proletariat outside of Europe cannot simply sit idly by and watch the European proletariat fight, and then wait for the European proletariat to liberate them...

Chapter 521 Unpredictable Turbulence

Lin Xinyi believed that to resolve the series of contradictions in the Far East after the war, two key points should be grasped: whether the power of imperialism had been weakened and whether the power of the proletariat had been strengthened.

Furthermore, he argued that the agreement reached between China and Russia should not merely be a solution to their internal conflicts, but should also serve as a model for the proletariat in handling future conflicts between nations. Therefore, he requested that the Social Democratic Party send representatives to the Asian Democratic Revolutionary Alliance to forge closer ties between the Russian proletariat and the Asian people. He also hoped to use the channels of the Russian Social Democratic Party to convey the support of the Asian people for the European proletariat to the European proletariat. Babushkin and other Russian representatives agreed with Lin Xinyi's proposals and stated that Baransky would remain in Wuhan as a representative of the Social Democratic Party's Far Eastern Committee. The subsequent negotiations became much simpler, and the border issue that had previously been a point of contention between China and Russia was finally resolved under a higher objective.

The Russians agreed that all territories seized from China by Tsarist Russia after 1896 should be unconditionally returned to China. However, the region north of the Heilongjiang River and east of the Ussuri River, as well as Sakhalin Island, which was part of the Treaty of Beijing in 1860, would not be divided temporarily due to the complex situation there. A Sino-Russian committee would be established to jointly administer this region, with a referendum to decide the fate of the residents within twenty years. However, the area north of the Heilongjiang River, including Hailanpao and the Sixty-Four Villages East of the Heilongjiang River, and the area between the mouth of the Tujiang River and the Chinese Eastern Railway, should be ceded to China. The border between my country and Outer Mongolia would remain unchanged, but Russia agreed to develop the Selenga River into an international waterway, and an autonomous unit for the Buryet people should be established in the Selenga River Valley. The issue of the northwestern border between China and China would not be addressed for the time being and would be negotiated later.

The more intense dispute between the two sides was over the ownership of the Chinese Eastern Railway. The Russian side argued that although the railway occupied Chinese land, the funds used to build it were wealth squeezed from the Russian people by Tsarist Russia, and therefore they could not allow China to confiscate the railway as spoils of war.

When the two sides were deadlocked, Lin Xinyi proposed a solution that separated ownership, usage rights, and management rights, and said that "the Chinese Eastern Railway and the South Manchurian Railway are ultimately just a section of the Trans-Siberian Railway, which in turn is a section of the European railway network. Dividing the railways can indeed reduce disputes between the two sides, but it is harmful to the development of productive forces and the strengthening of the proletariat."

If the proletariat wants to confront the bourgeoisie, it must not only possess a strong and powerful armed force and the support of the broader masses of people, but also master more advanced productive forces. If the proletariat cannot master advanced productive forces, then we will not be able to defeat the bourgeoisie, which has more historical accumulation, nor will we be able to meet the living needs of the broad masses of people, and the theory of socialism will fail.

From the perspective of capital globalization, higher productivity lies in breaking down tariff barriers between countries and reallocating global resources, rather than attempting to use a single country's resources and manpower to compete against global resources and manpower. For example, Russia cannot plant rubber trees on its own land, and China finds it difficult to find cheap oil on its own land. Therefore, we need to exchange resources to reduce production costs, increase labor efficiency, and enable the proletariat to enjoy a higher quality of life at a lower cost.

The Middle East Railway should not be treated as an isolated case. If we intend to establish a global proletarian alliance, then building a global transportation network, a global communication network, and a global production and trading system are the necessary material foundations. Therefore, I believe we should view and resolve this issue from a higher perspective, rather than simply dividing up railway assets...

Baransky greatly admired Lin Xin's proposition of a globalized economy. While Babushkin and Kurnatovsky were more concerned with revolutionary ideals and social fairness, he was more concerned with how to improve productivity in various regions. After all, Marx's scientific socialism began with the study of the laws of social production.

Lin Xinyi didn't get involved in the discussion of specific terms. He was like someone who had planned a river channel and then focused on ensuring the flow didn't break through the banks. Therefore, the later the negotiations went, the fewer times he spoke, because neither side wanted to lose all their previous efforts.

For Babushkin and others, this trip to Wuhan was also prepared for the worst, because they knew they didn't have many cards to play. Their biggest trump card that could force Wuhan to make concessions was actually the proletarian nature claimed by the Labor Party. If the Labor Party abandoned this point, then they would not be able to get any promises from the Labor Party, because the Far Eastern Commission was isolated and helpless in every respect.

Of course, if the Labor Party really reveals its true colors as deviating from the proletarian nature, it wouldn't be a bad thing for the Far Eastern Committee. They could simply treat this agreement as a product of being forced to sign by Chinese imperialists, and the proletariat would certainly not recognize such an agreement as legitimate.

Lin Xinyi laid the theoretical foundation and basic direction for the negotiations between the two sides. However, the agreement was unsatisfactory to nationalists. Both Russian and Chinese nationalists believed that the agreement was not in their best interest. But for the future of the proletariat, the agreement was indeed beneficial to the growth of the proletarian forces in Northeast Asia because it eliminated the tensions in the Sino-Russian Far East after the war and laid the foundation for comprehensive cooperation between the two sides.

After a day and a half of intense talks, at 10 p.m. on October 3, the Labour Party and the Far Eastern Committee reached a preliminary agreement and decided to issue a joint statement calling for peace based on it.

On the morning of October 4, a joint statement was published in the National Daily. The statement also called on the people of Korea and Japan to send representatives to hold talks on peace and the future of Northeast Asia after rejecting interference from external forces. At the meeting that day, Qin Lishan, on behalf of the Workers' Party, submitted a formal motion to the National Assembly in Beijing, requesting that the Republic of Chita, Korea and Japan be formally invited, in the name of the Chinese government, to send representatives to end the war and conduct four-way negotiations on a series of postwar issues.

This proposal caused an uproar in Chinese and foreign public opinion, because the Workers' Party was essentially denying the Tsarist government's legitimate ruling power over the Russian Empire and recognizing the Republic of Chita as the legitimate government of Russia. This naturally triggered serious protests in St. Petersburg. Strangely, Britain and France turned a blind eye to the Workers' Party's underhanded actions. On the contrary, the German government condemned the Workers' Party's actions. However, it was only in German newspapers that the most vehement opposition came from the Japanese government, which lodged a formal diplomatic protest with Yuan Shikai, the chairman of the State Council.

Yuan Shikai was at a loss regarding the protest from the Japanese government and the silence from Britain and France. On the afternoon of the 5th, he summoned Tang Shaoyi and Liang Dunyan to inquire about countermeasures. Tang Shaoyi and Liang Dunyan were increasingly becoming diplomatic experts within the Beiyang clique, but their diplomatic expertise actually lay in their overseas study experience and personal relationships with foreign diplomats stationed in Beijing. Simply put, although they were the most diplomatically adept within the Beiyang clique, in the eyes of the professional diplomats of the foreign powers, they were still a group of outsiders. However, compared to the stubborn and rigid Chinese bureaucrats, these two were relatively easy to communicate with, thus taking on the role of relaying messages from the foreign governments to the Chinese government.

Faced with Yuan Shikai's inquiry, Tang Shaoyi and Liang Dunyan were also unsure why Britain and France had remained silent on the Labour Party's proposal. However, they could understand why the Japanese were so annoyed. Tang Shaoyi replied to Yuan Shikai, "Japan's ambitions regarding Korea are common knowledge. Japan fought wars with both our country and Russia over Korea; their aim, of course, is to annex Korea into Japan. Now, the Labour Party is attempting to invite Korea to join the conference as an independent party, which will naturally lead to Japanese dissatisfaction."

Liang Dunyan's views were largely the same as Tang Shaoyi's, so Yuan Shikai pressed further: "So what exactly are the attitudes of Britain and France? Didn't they all support reaching a peace agreement under American mediation before? Why are they silent now that the Labour Party has proposed a four-power conference? Isn't the Labour Party slapping Britain, France, and the United States in the face by doing this? Will the American-led mediation conference actually produce a result? Should we accept this result? I'm under a lot of pressure now. The people of my country are opposing this mediation conference, and now the Labour Party has proposed a four-power conference. This is clearly an attempt to start negotiations from scratch. If the great powers don't support me, won't I be caught in the middle if I persist?"

Faced with Yuan Shikai's questions, Tang Shaoyi and Liang Dunyan remained silent. If Yuan Shikai had asked how international law resolved such issues, the two could have given some explanation. But asking them to analyze the foreign policies of Britain, France, and the United States was putting them in a difficult position.

They don't have that kind of thinking, since the Labor Party is currently the only party in the country with a clear diplomatic strategy.

Of course, Tang Shaoyi and Liang Dunyan cannot be blamed for this. After all, the Workers' Party had a relatively complete political ideology, and its foreign policy served the purpose of that ideology, making the Workers' Party's diplomatic approach quite clear. However, the Beiyang clique lacked a political ideology. Yuan Shikai couldn't even perfect the "Westernization" concept of adapting foreign things to Chinese use; he could only live off Li Hongzhang's legacy. Therefore, his biggest political goal was to seize and maintain power. As for what he intended to use that power for, he himself was unclear. He was less clear-headed than Li Hongzhang, who at least knew that his purpose in gaining power was to maintain the rule of the Qing Dynasty. Yuan Shikai was merely a fixer.

Although Tang Shaoyi and Liang Dunyan had their own political ideas, they could not be elevated to the level of theory. The Beiyang clique could not serve their political ideas, but rather they served the maintenance of the Beiyang clique. Therefore, it was naturally difficult for them to improve their own diplomatic strategies.

Seeing the troubled expressions on their faces, Yuan Shikai also felt quite powerless. He had never felt this way before. Even when facing the most unfavorable situation in Korea, he did not believe that he was incapable of solving the problem, but simply that he lacked the authority to do so. But now, faced with the Workers' Party's relentless pressure, he finally felt a sense of helplessness and frustration.

He had always believed that idealists like Tan Sitong had no future, because they lacked the power to change the country with mere ideals and a passion that seemed naive and ignorant of human relationships. However, when he encountered the Labor Party, a group founded by idealists, he suddenly realized that his familiarity with human relationships and various power tactics had become useless. Under the unreasonable tactics of the other side, his exquisite power-balancing methods became clownish behavior in the eyes of the public. At this moment, he even missed Tan Sitong, at least the latter was a traditional gentleman who wouldn't be so aggressive.

Chapter 522 Yuan Shikai's Dilemma

Before understanding the intentions of Britain and France, Yuan Shikai did not want to act rashly. At least in his view, the current international situation was divided into two: Germany had chosen to support Wuhan, and to counter the German-supported Wuhan, one had to obtain the support of Britain and France. Other powers could not go against the will of Britain and France, especially after Russia suffered a major setback in this war.

Although Japan performed exceptionally well in this war, especially achieving a complete victory over the Russian navy in naval battles, the Japanese navy still could not challenge the British navy, and might not even be able to defeat a single British naval squadron. Therefore, although Yuan Shikai was somewhat wary of Japan, he was not particularly afraid that Japan would do anything to him, because Britain was watching from the sidelines.

Of course, he still hoped to get Japan's support when fighting against local forces in China. After all, compared with other powers, only Japan, as a close neighbor, was truly capable of providing him with substantial support. Russia was too poor, and the other powers were too far away from China. Only Japan was separated from China by a narrow strait, and could really help him in critical moments.

However, Yuan Shikai did not want to be a puppet emperor. He would like to have Japan’s help, but he did not want to be a puppet emperor. However, the Japanese seemed to have great ambitions. Before the outbreak of war, the Japanese were still kneeling in front of him, as if they regarded him as the representative of China’s future. Their words implied that China and Japan should work together to reshape the order of East Asia.

Although Yuan Shikai did not believe that Japan, together with China, could eliminate the great powers from East Asia, it did not prevent him from wanting to use Japan as a neighbor to contain Russia. After all, this was a tradition of Qing Dynasty diplomacy—using barbarians to control barbarians. However, after seeing Japan defeat the Russians in naval and land battles, the Japanese became arrogant in his presence, almost as if Japan had saved China.

If the Japanese were merely arrogant in their presence, Yuan Shikai could tolerate it. After all, Japan lacked a strong foundation and had been a subordinate to China for over a thousand years. Their sudden rise to power naturally led to arrogance; he was no stranger to this nouveau riche mentality. Having been a neglected concubine's son in a prominent family, he understood the ways of the world.

However, Japan's attempt to occupy southern Manchuria after the Battle of Liaoyang crossed his bottom line. After the Workers' Party occupied the middle and upper reaches of the Yangtze River and advanced into the Central Plains, Shanxi, and Mongolia, the Beiyang government was already at a disadvantage. Although cooperation with the Workers' Party allowed the Beiyang government to obtain the Governor-General of Shaanxi and Gansu, which was controlled by the Manchus, the Beiyang government was not as ruthless as the Workers' Party. They dared to purge the gentry and wealthy families under their jurisdiction and were able to gain a foothold in the region. Previously, Yuan Shikai was very dismissive of the Workers' Party's proposal to eliminate the landlord class, believing that the Workers' Party was simply like Huang Chao and Fang La. Although they could gain power for a time, they also offended the gentry and landlords across the country. Without the support of the gentry and landlords, how could the Workers' Party collect taxes from the local areas? How could they govern the local areas? In the end, they would still be doomed.

But now he dared not underestimate the Labour Party anymore. Although the land reform movement promoted by the Labour Party in the countryside aroused resistance from the landlords and gentry, these resistances all failed. He did not realize the widespread chaos under the Labour Party's rule. Instead, he found that every time the Labour Party completed land reform in a certain area, that area immediately became a Labour Party stronghold. The gentry who were once quite famous in the area could no longer go home, because the villagers were all eager to criticize and settle old scores with these great philanthropists.

The gentry who fled the countryside deeply resented the Labor Party and the peasant associations, and cursed them in the newspapers every day. This indeed caused panic and fear among property owners in various places, which made the Beiyang government gain more and more support.

But now, the situation is unprecedented in three thousand years. Under the invasion of foreign powers, China is on the verge of becoming a colony. Therefore, the lamentations of these gentry and landlords did not lead to a collective alienation of the Workers' Party. During the Taiping Rebellion, the gentry and landlords successfully alienated the God-Worshipping Society, thus uniting the landlords and peasants' armed forces to suppress the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom. Moreover, with the support of the Germans, the Workers' Party vigorously developed industry in Wuhan and established a commodity exchange system between cities and villages. In the past, the power and wealth of the gentry and landlords lay in their control over the commodity exchange between urban and rural areas. Merchants had to go through the gentry and landlords to buy agricultural products in the countryside, and peasants who wanted to sell their labor and buy handicrafts such as salt and cloth were also exploited by the gentry and landlords.