Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 68

Chapter 235 A Little Unexpected

While the uprising in Hanyang was progressing smoothly, problems arose with the garrison in Hankou. The problem did not lie with the officers, soldiers, or workers involved in the uprising, but rather with Zhong Lintong, the brigade commander of the Hankou garrison.

Zhong Lintong and Liu Chengen were both officers recruited by Zhang Zhidong from the Beiyang Army to train the Hubei New Army. Liu Chengen led a part of the Hubei New Army to Guangxi to quell a rebellion and then stayed there. As a result, Zhong Lintong was highly respected among the officers and soldiers of the First Division.

In fact, Tian Junyi initially intended to lure Zhong Lintong and Zhang Biao to Pingdingshan to investigate coal mine development, hoping to get Zhang Biao to leave Wuhan quietly. Of course, a profitable business was the easiest target. Zhang Biao was indeed tempted by the invitation. With Tian Junyi's support, opening a coal mine was a sure-fire way to make money, and Tian Junyi also had some influence over the Lu-Han Railway. Naturally, he became very interested in going to Pingdingshan to open a mine.

Tian Junyi hadn't expected that Zhong Lintong would refuse Zhang Biao's invitation. Although Zhong Lintong was subordinate to Zhang Biao, he looked down on his superior and therefore didn't want to get too close. Simply put, Zhong Lintong didn't see himself as one of Zhang Zhidong's men, but rather as one of the imperial court, and thus rejected Zhang Biao's attempts to win him over.

It was precisely for this reason that when Deng Chengba led his troops to the Hankou military camp, it immediately aroused Zhong Lintong's vigilance. He did not give Deng Chengba a chance to make trouble, but directly ordered the battalion commander Xie Shuquan and the battalion officer Shan Qipeng to detain Deng Chengba's troops and said that he would send a telegram to the governor's office to inquire about the situation.

Deng Chengba said that he was ordered to come and was not afraid of Zhong Lintong calling to inquire. However, at this time, the general strike had already begun in Hanyang and the workers in Hankou had also begun to respond, so it was impossible to allow the Hankou garrison to contact Wuchang.

In fact, the reason Zhong Lintong was able to mobilize his subordinates so quickly to detain Deng Chengba's troops was because he felt that things in Hankou were a bit strange. So he ordered his camp to be on high alert, ready to send troops to Hankou to suppress the unrest as soon as he received a telegram from the Governor-General's Office. However, instead of receiving orders to suppress the unrest, he received orders from Deng Chengba's forces.

Because the Workers' Party had blocked the passage from the Hankou military camp to the city center, Zhong Lintong finally sensed something was amiss. He ordered Shan Qipeng to question the identities of those blocking the roads and prepared for an attack. Tang Caichang personally arrived at the scene and persuaded Shan Qipeng to defect. It was only then that the officers of the Hankou garrison learned that the Workers' Party had launched a rebellion.

Shan Qipeng pretended to go back to persuade the Biaotong and Xietong, but secretly prepared for an attack. When Zhong Lintong received the message from Shan Qipeng, he did not think twice and directly ordered Shan Qipeng to launch an attack and demanded the arrest of Tang Caichang and other members of the Labor Party. Xie Shuquan, who was standing to the side, did not even have a chance to speak.

The sudden attack launched by Shan Qipeng's troops dealt a major blow to the rebel army, forcing them to retreat to the vicinity of Dazhimen Railway Station. The railway station was originally located outside Dazhimen in Hankou, built on a field, but after the city walls were demolished, the area around the railway station became a bustling commercial district.

However, when the rebel army retreated to this area, some of Shan Qipeng's subordinates finally couldn't resist reverting to the Qing army's tradition of plundering civilians for extra income during the war. Although Zhang Zhidong's newly trained army had tried its best to recruit new men from good families to bolster the ranks, and Zhang Zhidong advocated prioritizing literate soldiers, the Hubei New Army ultimately retained a portion of the old army as its backbone and did not completely replace them with new recruits.

However, this was unavoidable. For example, Zhang Biao was a member of the old-style military. If you disbanded all the old troops, how would Zhang Biao control the army? Although Zhong Lintong graduated from the Weihai Military Academy, he also had some of the habits of the old soldiers, and he still prioritized loyalty to the court when training troops.

Armies that prioritize loyalty to the imperial court generally don't talk about caring for the people, or even if they say they do, they don't actually do it. For example, when Feng Guozhang ordered the burning of Hankou, he never thought of the Beiyang Army's discipline of caring for the people. Yuan Shikai never criticized Feng Guozhang for setting fire to Hankou, but he did remember Feng's disobedience and reckless attacks on the revolutionary army in Wuhan.

Once Shan Qipeng's men entered the commercial district, they lost control. Although they didn't kill anyone, they inevitably looted the shops. This behavior of Shan's army gave the insurgents a chance to regroup and rebuild their barricades. The citizens of Hankou, who were already sympathetic to the revolution, immediately sided with the insurgents upon seeing Shan's actions, actively helping them transport supplies and aiding the wounded.

However, the greatest help to the rebels came from a platoon of soldiers stationed at the train station. These soldiers had originally agreed with the rebels to remain neutral and only maintain the station's security. But the looting of shops near the train station by Shan's army greatly disappointed these soldiers, who believed that the imperial court would not succeed. So they simply joined the rebel forces and helped them block Shan's army's attack.

For Shan Qipeng, being blocked at the train station was not the real problem; the real problem was that the follow-up troops were slow to arrive, which reduced his offensive capabilities.

Another battalion of the Hankou garrison was commanded by Tao Chengxiao. Although he and Shan Qipeng returned from studying in Japan at the same time, Tao Chengxiao was not as ambitious as Shan Qipeng. He sympathized with Tang Caichang's proposals and believed that the court should use its strength to resist foreign aggression rather than to suppress its own people.

His attitude led to nearly a quarter of the soldiers in Tao Chengxiao's battalion joining the Soldiers' Mutual Aid Association (the official name of the Soldiers' Committee before the uprising). Because of Zhong Lintong's decisive actions, the Soldiers' Committee within the Hankou garrison was unable to successfully contact the soldiers of various units to agree to the uprising, nor did it find an opportunity to coordinate with the uprising army from within and without.

However, Tao Chengxiao's indecisive stance allowed the Soldiers' Committee to successfully delay sending troops to support Shan Qipeng, thus allowing the Hankou uprising army to receive support from the Hanyang Workers' Militia Battalion and the uprising army. Unlike the Hankou uprising army, which only had rifles and pistols, the Hanyang Workers' Militia Battalion not only carried Maxim machine guns but also brought torpedo cannons that had just been trial-produced by the arsenal.

While at the Marine Corps School, Lin Feng advocated that in addition to rifles equipped with binoculars, guerrilla tactics should also include a lightweight cannon to counter enemy machine guns. The naval arsenal then designed a small-caliber naval gun, a muzzle-loading, fin-launching, curved-bore cannon—the mortar, which later became known as a mortar.

The blueprints for the torpedo cannon were disassembled and brought back by Chinese cadets at the Marine Corps School. After more than half a year of copying and improvement, a practical product was finally produced. During this battle, the workers and militia of the arsenal carried it out.

Faced with rifle fire from the insurgent troops, Shan Qipeng's troops were able to engage in firefights using obstacles, but against cannons and Maxim machine guns, Shan's troops were quickly routed. Tao Chengxiao's troops, seeing this, also retreated.

However, upon returning to the camp, under Zhong Lintong's pressure and encouragement, the defeated soldiers finally mustered their courage and relied on the existing fortifications of the camp for defense, once again repelling the rebel army's attack. According to the Hanyang workers who attacked, the main problem was that the caliber of the torpedo cannons was too small and the power was not strong enough; they should have brought over regular cannons.

At this point, the Hankou Chamber of Commerce stepped in. They did not want the fighting to continue and feared that Hankou would become a battlefield. Therefore, they proposed to Tang Caichang that they persuade the Hankou garrison to lay down their weapons. Tang Caichang sent people to fetch cannons while agreeing to let the Chamber of Commerce send someone to try.

However, the first negotiation ended in failure because Zhong Lintong took a hard line. Not only was he unwilling to lay down his weapons, but he also demanded that the rebels lay down their arms and surrender. He argued that even if the rebels occupied Hankou, the area outside Hankou would still be under Qing rule, and the rebels were destined to fail. Zhong Lintong's words boosted the morale of some soldiers, who believed that if they held on a little longer, reinforcements might arrive, and therefore there was no need to lay down their weapons.

Just then, news reached Hankou that the rebels had killed Tie Zhong and the reinforcements from Wuchang at the floating dock in Hanyang. This made the Hankou Chamber of Commerce no longer wait and see. They believed that the rebels' control of Hanyang was a foregone conclusion, so the battle in Hankou could not be delayed any longer, in order to prevent the rebel troops in Hanyang from rushing over. Who knows if they could maintain their military discipline?

In fact, when the workers in Hankou announced their general strike, many local thugs attempted to take advantage of the chaos to rob civilians. However, the Hankou Workers' and Soldiers' Committee immediately contacted the police and imposed a curfew on various streets, thus quickly restoring social order to Hankou. The Hankou Chamber of Commerce, fearing this situation would not last, sent representatives again to persuade the Hankou garrison to reconsider.

Zhong Lintong's attitude remained unchanged this time, but the expressions of Xie Shuquan, the battalion commander, and several officers changed. After hearing that Tie Zhong had been killed by the rebels, they felt that there was no point in continuing to hold the camp. At this time, the Hankou Chamber of Commerce suggested that they be given some travel expenses to leave Hankou first, which made them even more hesitant.

Therefore, as the chamber of commerce representatives were being seen off, Xie Shuquan suddenly grabbed one of them by the shoulder and asked, "You're saying we can just take the money and leave? How are we supposed to leave?"

The representative replied without hesitation, "The train is ready. As long as you lay down your weapons, you can take the money and leave. That's what Commander Tang told me when he came. However, you should make a decision soon. Once the uprising troops from Hanyang arrive, this condition will probably no longer be valid."

Xie Shuquan gritted his teeth and said, "Fifty thousand is not enough. I need 10, of which 5 are in cash and the rest are in HSBC or Deutsche Bank checks, 1000 each."

Upon hearing this, Huang Xundian, the chairman of the chamber of commerce, immediately said, "Give it to him. Everyone can chip in the cash, and as for the check, I'll have someone write it for him right away..."

Xie Shuquan was quite straightforward. After taking the money, he made a deal with the officers below him. Although Shan Qipeng and Tao Chengxiao were battalion officers, they had not been established in the army for long, while Xie Shuquan had been there since the founding of the new army. Since he was in charge of the money, the soldiers quickly chose to take 50 silver dollars and leave.

Some soldiers stayed behind and joined the rebels. Zhong Lintong was taken away by officers such as Xie Shuquan. Tao Chengxiao did not take any money and chose to join the rebel forces with the soldiers who stayed behind. Shan Qipeng was abandoned by his superiors and colleagues and was eventually arrested by the rebels. The workers of the uprising were furious that he had deceived them and killed so many of his comrades. They did not give him a chance to surrender and dragged him to the roadside and shot him.

Tang Caichang tacitly approved the actions of the rioting workers, and the fighting in Hankou finally subsided. It was about 12 o'clock at this time. After receiving the news from Hankou, Tian Junyi ordered Qin Lishan to formally negotiate with the foreign powers in the name of the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, stating that due to the riots in the army, the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee had to take over the administrative and other powers in Wuhan, and that consuls of various countries could contact the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee directly if they had any matters concerning Wuhan.

Chapter 236 Wuchang

From the moment Tian Junyi took charge of the Hanyang Ironworks, the uprising in the three towns of Wuhan was under the command of the Workers' Party. Although some steps went wrong, the uprising did not deviate from the direction planned by the Workers' Party, which relied on the labor unions and soldiers' committees to promote the uprising.

The soldiers' committee may not have been well-organized, since the Workers' Party could not openly reveal its identity in the army at this time. However, there was no such concern in the labor union. Therefore, the Workers' Party's leadership power in the labor union was clear, and the labor union itself had almost brought the working class of Hanyang and Hankou under its management, further restraining this already disciplined group.

After the uprising, the General Labor Union launched a general strike and quickly brought all districts of Hanyang and Hankou under its control, giving local officials no time to react. The new policies promoted by the Qing government were also weakening the power of local government offices. After a large number of clerks were dismissed, the power of the gentry had not yet fully taken over, especially in a large city like Wuhan. The gentry could not command peasants to obey them as easily as they could in the countryside. The most powerful force in the city was still the workers. Once the workers organized, the gentry and the new factory owners in the city lost their power to influence the people.

In particular, Tian Junyi established the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee after the uprising. He began to bring the urban management of Hanyang and Hankou under the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, and established a liaison committee for departments such as the police, municipal administration, transportation, and commerce. When the garrison in Hankou officially announced its surrender, the urban order of Hanyang and Hankou was completely under the control of the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee. Under the Military Commission, 20 battalion-level armed units were established, excluding the uprising troops in the Wuchang area, and the original Qing army organizations in Hanyang and Hankou were disbanded.

After the uprising began, Tian Junyi started to disband the old army organization and establish new armed units. At first, some committee members opposed it, believing that this might cause dissatisfaction among the army. However, Tian Junyi insisted and said: "If we cannot establish people's armed forces under such a revolutionary high tide, how can we expect the military leaders who regard the army as their private property to hand over their power in peacetime?"

Comrade Lin Feng repeatedly warned us that without a revolutionary army, there can be no fruits of revolution. We cannot allow the proletariat to shed blood and tears, only to have a small group of warlords steal the fruits of the revolution. Right now, we must establish the people's armed forces and completely disband the army that protects the Qing government, landlords, gentry, and capitalists.

Tian Junyi's proposals received support from the labor unions and soldiers' committees. Thus, before the surrender of the Hankou garrison, the uprising forces in Hankou and Hanyang completed their initial reorganization, further solidifying the leadership of the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committees over the uprising forces. After the surrender of the Hankou garrison, Tian Junyi immediately began preparations to cross the Yangtze River to support the Wuchang Uprising.

Before boarding the ship, he said to the Hubei Provincial Committee and the Wuhan Municipal Committee: "The Central Committee now needs to do its utmost to promote the revolution and deal with the domestic situation after the revolution. In addition to assisting the Central Committee in consolidating the revolutionary achievements, the Provincial Committee and the Municipal Committee should also take the initiative to do their work."

For example, the Hubei Provincial Party Committee should pay attention to the attitudes of various regions in Hubei towards the revolution, clearly identifying supporting, neutral, and reactionary areas, and carefully separating the connections between reactionary areas while supporting the actions of revolutionary areas, thus preparing for the next stage of the revolution's expansion throughout the province. Currently, the four most important directions are the Beijing-Hankou Railway direction, Jingzhou, Jiujiang, and Changsha, because only these four directions can gather sufficient reactionary forces to attack Wuhan…

As for the Wuhan Municipal Party Committee, it should further solidify its control over the city, ensuring the management of urban traffic, the supply of materials, and the surveillance of reactionary forces. In addition to controlling the city, it should also begin to investigate the surrounding rural areas. Our previous work in rural areas mainly focused on the economy and education, and was weak in political matters, but now we must strengthen this aspect…”

After handing over the work in Hanyang, Tian Junyi boarded the Workers' Ship at 2:35 a.m. on December 4 and crossed the river. Accompanying him to Wuchang were two ferries and three battalions of uprising troops.

At 3:40 a.m., Tian Junyi arrived at the Hanyangmen Wharf, which was controlled by the Wuchang Uprising army. Wang Chuzhen and Wu Zhaolin were already waiting for him at the wharf. Upon hearing that fighting was still breaking out in the city, Tian Junyi immediately asked the two of them, "What is the situation in Wuchang now? Which places are still resisting?"

Wu Zhaolin preemptively replied before Wang Chuzhen could, "We have already captured the Chu Wangtai Armory and Snake Hill Fort. Only the Governor's Mansion, the Treasury, and the Right Banner Barracks remain uncaptured. Because we need to divide our forces to monitor Commander Li's three battalions, our strength is somewhat insufficient. However, please rest assured, Commander-in-Chief, with the arrival of reinforcements, we will soon be able to take the Governor's Mansion, and Commander Li will have no choice but to surrender."

Tian Jun paused for a moment, glanced at the people on the dock, and then asked the two men, "Although there are fewer workers in Wuchang than in Hankou and Hanyang, there are still 30,000 of them. Have you mobilized the workers?"

After hesitating for a moment, Wu Zhaolin said, "At first, fearing a leak, we didn't inform the union of the specific time of the operation. After the uprising began, although some workers joined us, it was too dark and the city was too chaotic. We were afraid of causing collateral damage, so we asked the union to wait until dawn to gather manpower for the uprising..."

After asking in detail, Tian Junyi learned that after the rebel army entered the city, some Manchus took the initiative to join the government in fighting against the rebel army. This aroused dissatisfaction among some of the rebel soldiers. The soldiers' committee's initial method of arousing the soldiers' revolutionary enthusiasm was to first arouse their national consciousness and then guide them to revolutionary consciousness. Therefore, most of the soldiers who participated in the revolution harbored resentment towards the Manchus. Seeing that the Manchu civilians took the initiative to join the battle, they expanded their attack targets and included some of the Manchu residential areas in the attack, which caused great chaos in the city.

Although Wuchang City did not have a Manchu city, it was home to many Manchu people. Most of these Manchus were sons of officials and often oppressed ordinary people. Their relationship with the New Army was also not good, because they treated the officers and soldiers of the New Army no differently than they had treated the Green Standard Army in the past, regarding them as servants of the Manchus.

Tie Zhong was one of the more promising sons of these Manchu bannermen, but he often boasted about his ancestors' martial prowess and their suppression of revolutionaries. While the other Manchu spoiled brats might not have been as scholarly as Tie Zhong, they were far more prone to exaggeration. However, to the New Army soldiers who were beginning to publicize the Yangzhou Massacre and the Jiading Massacre, these Manchu sons proclaiming their ancestors' illustrious martial achievements were simply flaunting their families' exploits in slaughtering Han Chinese.

When these Manchu civilians took the initiative to join the battle, it naturally aroused the desire for revenge among the insurgent soldiers. Moreover, when a Manchu officer heard that the insurgent army had entered the city, he led his troops out of the camp to intercept them and openly ordered his Manchu soldiers to "kill any Han people they see, young and old without mercy." It is estimated that this man had seen the Yangzhou Massacre and the Jiading Massacre and believed that as long as all the Han people were killed, the revolution would be over.

However, his bannermen were too incompetent. When they massacred civilians, they were retaliated against by the enraged people of Wuchang, who killed thirty or forty of them. After the uprising troops arrived and repelled the bannermen, they immediately launched a retaliatory attack on the bannermen's residential area, which caused the battle in Wuchang to get out of control.

After listening to the two men's explanations, Tian Junyi roughly understood the reasons for the setbacks in the Wuchang campaign. Wuchang was the location of the Qing government's main military and political forces, so the progressive forces in the city were relatively weak, the labor unions had not developed much, and it was difficult to control the management of Wuchang. In the end, the soldiers' committee still leaned towards nationalism, and the intensification of the Manchu-Han conflict caused the revolution to lose its direction.

Tian Junyi immediately addressed the two men, saying, "The current battle in Wuchang isn't about immediately launching an offensive. Our priority is to first gain control of the city. The Hanyang reinforcements will enter, but not to attack the enemy; their mission is to restore order. Wuchang has over a hundred thousand residents. If it completely falls out of control, where will we find the manpower to restore order? If we can't restore order to Wuchang before dawn, Tie Liang and Duan Fang might escape, and then things will get complicated..."

At Tian Junyi's request, Wang Chuzhen also expressed her support, and Wu Zhaolin could only agree. Tian Junyi then ordered all troops in the city to temporarily cease their attacks, reorganize their defenses, and convene a meeting at the Snake Hill Fort. Those who could not come in person could send representatives to the meeting.

Before the commanders and representatives of various units arrived, Tian Junyi obtained a map of Wuchang and marked the positions of each unit, also identifying the location of the main enemy. At 4:40 AM, representatives from the various units within Wuchang arrived at the Snake Hill Fort. Tian Junyi first criticized Wang Chuzhen and Lin Gui, who were in charge of the Wuchang Uprising, saying, "Military work is part of the revolution, but not the entirety of it. The Party entrusted you with command of the Wuchang Uprising not to lead troops into battle, but to establish a revolutionary organization to control the situation, but you have completely ignored this point..."

Faced with Tian Junyi's criticism, Wang Chuzhen and Lin Gui could only admit their mistakes. Because they had failed to capture the Governor's Mansion for a long time, the attitude of Li Yuanhong's troops changed again. Li Yuanhong, who had previously declared neutrality, now expressed concern to the rebels about the chaotic order in the city and asked if they had the ability to maintain the safety of civilians in the city. Some gentry in the city also protested to the rebels against the soldiers entering civilian houses to arrest Manchus.

Compared to the bumpy road of the uprising in Wuchang, the uprisings in Hanyang and Hankou were successfully completed and provided support to Wuchang. At this point, the two naturally had nothing to defend themselves. Seeing that Wang Chuzhen and Lin Gui's attitude was relatively correct, Tian Junyi changed the subject and said, "Of course, this is, after all, our first uprising, and it is normal to have oversights. But we must learn from our mistakes and draw on our experience; we cannot go down a dead end."

Judging from the current situation in Wuchang, the main reason why the uprising could not succeed was that we had dispersed our forces. A few thousand people were scattered in a city of hundreds of thousands of people. What kind of offensive power did they have? A snake cannot function without a head. Not only does an uprising need a leader, but it is also crucial to take down the enemy's head. What is the enemy's head? Isn't it the Governor-General's Office of Huguang?

The Governor's Mansion is located between Wangshan Gate and Wenchang Gate, with the city wall behind it. To the north are the barracks of Li Yuanhong's troops and Ziyang Lake, and to the right are the Manchu barracks and the Chu Wangtai arsenal. So why did you send your troops to attack the northeast corner of the city and the north side of Snake Mountain? How many enemies are there?

"Leave those areas alone for now. Establish a perimeter to prevent them from attacking our rear. Have the labor unions organize pickets to gradually clear these areas and establish control over them. Concentrate our main force on the north and east roads of the Governor's Mansion, and also control the docks and major transportation routes outside the city. Launch the general offensive at dawn. Before that, negotiate with Li Yuanhong's troops; I will be in charge of this..."

Chapter 237 The Psychology of Li Yuanhong's Department

While Tian Junyi was sending envoys to communicate with Li Yuanhong's troops, the town headquarters where Li Yuanhong was located was already in an uproar. At first, the officers in Li Yuanhong's troops did not understand the position of their commander, so when he ordered them to close their doors, everyone complied.

However, Governor Duanfang repeatedly sent messengers to request Li Yuanhong to attend meetings at the Governor's Mansion, but Li Yuanhong refused. When the rebels sent people to make contact, Li Yuanhong fired his gun and scared them away. Everyone understood Li Yuanhong's intentions. Since Li Yuanhong wanted to remain neutral and observe, everyone was no longer afraid to state their positions.

Wang Desheng, the brigade commander, shared a similar mindset with Li Yuanhong, unwilling to risk getting involved in tonight's turmoil. However, some of his officers were restless. They saw tonight as a golden opportunity to make a name for themselves; once they gained favor with the governor, their future seemed assured. Battalion Commander Chen Delong, in particular, strongly advocated leaving the camp to quell the rebellion, rather than simply remaining in their camp and allowing the rioters to attack the governor's mansion and the banner camp. Otherwise, how would they justify their actions if the governor's mansion quelled the rebellion at dawn?

Although Sun Tzu insisted that the situation outside was unclear and that sending troops out might not quell the rebellion but could instead strengthen it, advocating waiting until dawn, Chen Delong's proposal began to gain support from a group of officers as the rebel troops failed to capture the governor's mansion and the unrest spread throughout the city. Even the battalion commander Liu Wenyu began to waver.

Under Li Yuanhong's command, the Second Division maintained relatively strict military discipline, which resulted in a weak soldiers' committee within the division, allowing officers to maintain strong control over the troops. Although Sun Wu was a brigade commander, his influence within the division was not as strong as Wang Desheng's. As the battalion and company officers below him began to form cliques, he found himself unable to hold out any longer.

Of course, the most important issue is that nationalism doesn't hold much appeal for the officers of the Second Division. Li Yuanhong, as an officer trained in the British naval system, emphasizes the rule of law in military affairs and advocates that officers and soldiers should not be punished without trial. This is why Li Yuanhong is well-liked by the officers and soldiers of the Second Division, because he doesn't kill people indiscriminately.

In the Qing army, officers had almost absolute authority over soldiers, so there was no need for trials; an officer could punish a soldier, even beheading, simply by convicting him. The New Army, however, whether it adopted German or Japanese military practices, emphasized obedience and discipline. The only problem was that, in both the German and Japanese armies, military law applied to officers as well, while the New Army only partially adopted these practices. Officers received preferential treatment, and the words of their superiors were law.

The consequence of this practice was that soldiers' lives were not determined by military law but by the mood of their superiors. For example, in the Beiyang Army, which was known for its strict discipline, Duan Qirui could release military academy students who spoke disrespectfully to Empress Dowager Cixi, while Yuan Shikai could execute soldiers who protested about their pay and officers who embezzled military pay. Both favors and punishments came from superiors, and naturally the imperial court had nothing to do with it.

However, the British naval practices that Li Yuanhong learned, while also involving severe punishments, at least adhered to publicly known military law in determining guilt and punishment, rather than being arbitrarily imposed by superiors. This was because naval personnel mostly lived on ships, and if punishments were not convincing, they would only lead to mutiny among the sailors, forcing the British Navy to uphold the rule of law.

However, because of this advantage, the soldiers of the Second Division had far less resentment towards their superiors than those of other units. Although the soldiers' committee advocated for reforming the unequal system within the army, the soldiers of the Second Division were only in the sympathetic stage and had not yet reached the stage of risking participation.

Taking all these factors into account, we can conclude that the officers and soldiers of the Second Division were still far removed from the revolution, and the current revolutionary propositions held little appeal for them. This is why the Wuchang Soldiers' Committee initially sidelined the officers and soldiers of the Second Division and did not strive to recruit them. However, this did not mean that the soldiers were willing to support the Governor-General's Office, since the current Governor-General was not Zhang Zhidong but Duanfang, a Manchu who offered little favor to the officers and soldiers of the Second Division.

However, as the officers grew ambitious and sought to make their mark, the neutrality of the Second Division became increasingly precarious. Li Yuanhong, under pressure from his subordinates' persistent appeals, also grew anxious. He had accepted Sun Wu's advice because he was still unclear about the situation and, to avoid being implicated, had chosen to remain cautious.

However, as the sounds of battle continued to emanate from within the city, even an old soldier like himself felt that the command of this rebel force was somewhat incompetent. Their target of rebellion was the Governor's Mansion in the south, yet they were now spending the entire city fighting against the Manchus. What kind of nonsense was this? If Duanfang and Tieliang seized the opportunity to escape from Wuchang and then mobilized troops to quell the rebellion, the rebels would undoubtedly be defeated.

Just as Li Yuanhong was considering how to explain his seclusion to Duanfang and Tieliang, a messenger sent by Tian Junyi arrived at the camp. Li Yuanhong could ignore the others, but as the economic commission was the purse strings of the Huguang region, he couldn't turn them away. After all, even if Tieliang and Duanfang escaped from Wuchang, it would still cost money to mobilize troops.

On a pleasure boat on Ziyang Lake, Li Yuanhong and Tian Junyi met. By the light of a kerosene lamp, Li Yuanhong made out the people on the boat before leisurely boarding. After the boat docked, everyone except Tian Junyi disembarked, so Li Yuanhong boarded alone as well. The two sat in the open cabin, allowing those on shore to see directly from the boat.

After Li Yuanhong sat down, he cupped his hands in a gesture of respect to Tian Junyi and asked with a wry smile, "Committee Member Tian, ​​why are you getting involved with them? What are you trying to do? Do you really intend to rebel against the imperial court?"

Tian Junyi asked in surprise, "Rebellion? Who is rebelling? Wasn't it Minister Tie and Governor-General who arbitrarily mobilized troops, causing a mutiny? I didn't sleep all night and finally managed to stabilize the troops and workers in Hankou and Hanyang before rushing across the river to quell the mutiny in Wuchang. How did Commander Li label me a traitor? I can't bear that."

Li Yuanhong was stunned. Tian Junyi's words were too much for him to process. After a long while, he tentatively asked, "Committee Member Tian, ​​who do you think is responsible for this mutiny?"

After pondering for a moment, Tian Junyi said, "It's too early to talk about responsibility now. I'd like to ask you, Commander Li, are you planning to work with me to quell the mutiny, or are you planning to do nothing at all?"

Li Yuanhong fell silent once again. He was now unsure which side to take. After much deliberation, he could only ask, "How do you plan to quell the mutiny in Wuchang? And how do you plan to explain this to Lord Tie and the Governor-General?"

Tian Junyi immediately shook his head and said, "Lord Tie and the Governor-General are the parties involved in the mutiny. How can we explain the mutiny to them? The parties involved in the mutiny should explain to the court and then follow the court's judgment. Suppressing the mutiny is actually quite simple. Let the Governor-General order the surrender of resistance, and then everyone can sit down and talk about how to explain the situation of the mutiny to the court."

Li Yuanhong stared at Tian Junyi, dumbfounded: "How could the Governor-General be willing to lay down his weapons at this time? What's the difference between this and surrendering?"

Tian Junyi looked at him earnestly and said, "There is a difference. At least the mutiny will not continue to develop, thus saving the lives of the Manchus in the city and paving the way for a peaceful resolution to the mutiny. Listen, the voices of resistance in the city can no longer be heard now. Wuchang City is already in our hands. After dawn, the Governor's Mansion will be within the range of Snake Hill Fort. Do we really have to take a few cannon shots before we are willing to sit down and talk?"

Li Yuanhong listened intently, and sure enough, the gunfire and shouts from all directions had gradually subsided. Seeing Tian Junyi's confident demeanor, he immediately believed him. At the same time, he subconsciously glanced to the north, where the dark shadow of Snake Mountain stood tall. Looking at it this way, it wasn't just the Governor's Office; his military camp was also within the firing range of the Snake Mountain fortress.

Li Yuanhong was intimidated. He had been thinking about how to explain things to Tie Liang and Duan Fang, but now he felt fortunate that he hadn't gotten involved tonight, or he would have really fallen into a trap. However, he still wanted to stall for time, so he said to Tian Junyi, "I am willing to work with you to quell the mutiny, but my brothers may not share my views. Should I go back and ask them first before giving you an answer?"

Tian Junyi took out his pocket watch, glanced at it, and shook his head, saying, "I had an appointment with the German consul for lunch today. I hope to resolve the matter in Wuchang as soon as possible so that I can communicate with the consuls of various countries at noon."

"How about this, you gather all the officers and soldiers together, and I'll talk to them. If we discuss it face-to-face, there won't be any problems. Surely no one would choose to jump into a quagmire instead of taking the proper path?"

After a moment's thought, Li Yuanhong accepted Tian Junyi's demands. In his view, Tian Junyi's assertiveness must be backed by some powerful force, enabling him to compel Tie Liang and Duan Fang to make concessions. Otherwise, he would never have considered negotiating with them. No matter how incompetent Tie Liang and Duan Fang were, they couldn't possibly reach any agreement with the rebels.

Such an agreement was meaningless; the imperial court would not recognize it and would only mobilize troops to attack the three towns of Wuhan. Why would a smart and promising young man like Tian Junyi do something so foolish? This is the reason why Li Yuanhong yielded to Tian Junyi.

As for the officers in the camp, upon hearing that Tian Junyi had joined the mutiny, their original intention to side with the governor changed. At this time, the Qing Dynasty had not yet completely collapsed, so the status of civil officials was still higher than that of military personnel. This was the reason why Liang Dingfen, as Zhang Zhidong's advisor, was able to oversee the overall situation in Hubei. However, Liang Dingfen did not want to take risks, so he did not mobilize the New Army after Zhang Biao's disappearance. It was not that he was incapable of mobilizing the New Army.

Tian Junyi's position was below Liang Dingfen and Zhang Biao. Everyone knew that at least half of the New Army's money and supplies came from his allocation. After the Hubei New Army was expanded, the Governor-General's Office not only did not increase the allocation, but also diverted some of the money and supplies to other places. In the end, the Economic Committee filled the gap.

They may disown their superiors, but they cannot disown the person who pays them. Without military pay, how can they lead their soldiers? Besides, Tian Junyi has been deeply trusted by Zhang Zhidong for the past two years, and his appearance makes people have to consider the position of the old governor-general Zhang Zhidong. Therefore, everyone quickly concluded that they should listen to what Commissioner Tian had to say about the mutiny.

Chapter 238 Speech by Ziyang Lake

Thousands of officers and soldiers gathered on the parade ground by the lake. Apart from those assigned to defensive duties, the rest of the battalion had come. After an agonizing night, these soldiers were also in a state of anxiety. The constant gunfire outside the camp gradually made the soldiers tense, as a considerable number of them were unsure of their fate.

Whether the rebels captured the Governor's Mansion or the Governor's Mansion quelled the rebellion, neither side seemed to treat them well. As a result, the neutral policy advocated by Commander Li Yuanhong was gradually abandoned by the officers and soldiers. Soon, two voices emerged in the camp: most officers tended to support the Governor's Mansion, while the soldiers were inclined to join the rebels.

The officials, including Li Yuanhong, were unable to come up with a clear plan or devise a strategy to persuade the soldiers on how to protect their interests after the unrest ended. Without a proposal to unite the soldiers, they were unable to stop them from seeking their own way to survive.

At this time, Tian Junyi's arrival was a lifeline for Li Yuanhong, because he knew that if he did not come up with a reason to persuade the officers and soldiers below, he would soon lose control of the situation in the camp.

The reason everyone obeyed his orders was twofold: firstly, the official position bestowed upon him by the imperial court, and secondly, his usual leniency towards his subordinates. However, his refusal to accept the governor's orders had already severely damaged his authority, and his leniency towards his subordinates clearly wouldn't make them abandon their futures and lives to follow him.

Tian Junyi's willingness to personally address the officers and soldiers in the camp not only eliminated the trouble of persuading his subordinates but also allowed Li Yuanhong to understand their true thoughts from the sidelines. It was a flexible approach, so he naturally accepted Tian Junyi's request. In fact, Li Yuanhong himself was very curious about what Tian Junyi could say to convince the officers and soldiers in the camp to fight against the Governor-General's Office and the Imperial Commissioner.

Tian Junyi stood on the command platform for the troop review. Bright kerosene lamps illuminated the platform and surrounding area, but only enough to light the front half of the parade ground; the rest remained mostly hidden in the darkness. The more than a thousand soldiers standing densely together created a formidable sight. Tian Junyi glanced solemnly at the soldiers below, and only after they had quieted down did he clear his throat and begin to speak: "When the former Governor-General was establishing the Huguang New Army, he stated that the core principle of the new army was: loyalty to the Emperor and love for the country…"

Standing behind Tian Junyi, Li Yuanhong looked at his back with some confusion. This opening speech was different from what he had expected. It didn't sound like he was inciting the officers and soldiers to rebel; instead, it sounded like he was calling on them to support the Governor-General's Office. Not only was Li Yuanhong surprised, but Sun Wu, who was standing next to him, also looked at Tian Junyi with the same astonishment.

However, Tian Junyi then took a 180-degree turn, "...Let's put aside the matter of loyalty to the emperor for now, and talk about patriotism first. Before discussing this issue, I want to ask everyone, is it patriotism to sign treasonous treaties with foreigners, like Li Hongzhang, who spent his days ceding territory and paying indemnities, or is it patriotism to march thousands of miles into Tibet like our Hubei New Army to fight against the British army?"

Almost no one would choose the wrong answer to this question. Under the cover of darkness, one of the officers and soldiers suddenly shouted, "Of course, resisting the British and defending Tibet is the only way to be patriotic!"

With someone taking the lead, the soldiers below quickly reacted, echoing and supporting the unknown answer. Except for a few officers who dared not speak, the soldiers almost without hesitation made the choice that aligned with their understanding. After all, no matter how high Li Hongzhang's official rank was, it had nothing to do with them, and they weren't from the Huai clique, so they had no need to hold back. It was the officers who, however, had their own political considerations and couldn't so directly state their position.

After the shouts of the soldiers below Tian Junyi subsided slightly, he continued, "Therefore, patriotism is not about the rank of an official, nor does it mean that as long as one is a high-ranking official, one is patriotic. Rather, it is about one's actions. What kind of actions constitute patriotism? I believe that only actions that protect one's own homeland and safeguard the territorial sovereignty of our country from infringement can be called patriotism. Any actions that hinder such actions cannot be called patriotism."

Our Hubei New Army went to Tibet to defend national sovereignty against the British army; this is patriotism. Since our Hubei New Army entered Tibet, we have repeatedly defeated the British army, even capturing the British commander, Brigadier General MacDonald. If we're talking about patriotism, who in the world loves this country more than our Hubei New Army?

The soldiers below responded even louder to Tian Junyi. In their view, the greatest credit for the victory in the war against the British in Tibet naturally belonged to Hubei, and this honor was inseparable from them. Even the officers did not think there was anything wrong with Tian Junyi's words at this moment.

Tian Junyi then loudly retorted to the officers and soldiers below: "So when we achieved victory in Tibet and shed our blood for the country, what were some of the officials who controlled the court doing? They were not only not happy with our victory, but were also extremely anxious, fearing that our victory would offend the foreigners. They repeatedly ordered the Tibetan side to treat British prisoners of war well and forbade us from publicizing our victory, as if defending the country was a sneaky and shameful act."

These powerful figures transferred the old governor to Beijing, ostensibly hoping he would take charge of the overall situation, but what were they really up to? They sent people over to confiscate the wealth the old governor had accumulated.

Tie Liang, as the imperial envoy, traveled all the way from Shanghai and Nanjing to Wuhan. What was he there for? He neither cared about the people's livelihood nor about national affairs; all he cared about was power and money.

He claimed to represent the imperial court, and that the power and money he had taken from the local areas were all for the court's benefit. But can this current imperial court truly represent the nation?

The officers and soldiers below fell silent, allowing Tian Junyi's words to travel far in the night. Even the soldiers standing in the back rows could vaguely hear him. Although his words sounded somewhat treasonous, no one thought Tian Junyi was wrong at this moment.

"...To discuss whether this court can truly represent our country, we must begin with three aspects. The first aspect, of course, is loyalty to the emperor. What is this 'emperor'? Since ancient times, it has always referred to the emperor. There has never been a dynasty or a classic text that said the 'emperor' referred to the empress dowager. Today's court has already lost its legitimacy after the Wuxu Coup."